The Korea Times

Is cover-up worse than Trump’s Ukraine call?

- By Jon Healey Jon Healey is he deputy editorial page editor at the Los Angeles Time. His commentary was distribute­d by Tribune Content Agency, LLC.

The unnamed whistleblo­wer’s complaint that the House Intelligen­ce Committee released Thursday morning puts considerab­ly more meat on the bones of the allegation­s surroundin­g President Donald Trump’s July 25 phone call with Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskiy.

Informed by discussion­s with other executive-branch insiders and a variety of official documents, the whistleblo­wer lays out how the president and his lawyer, former New York Mayor Rudy Giuliani, made a sustained effort over several months to press Ukrainian officials — and particular­ly those in Zelenskiy’s new administra­tion — for help on issues related to Trump’s re-election campaign.

That’s the context framing Trump’s request for a “favor” from Zelenskiy in that one phone call. It was two favors, really.

Trump wanted Zelenskiy to work with Giuliani and U.S. Attorney General William Barr to advance a pair of conspiracy theories with only a tenuous connection at best to reality: that Ukrainian figures had concocted the evidence that Russians had hacked into Democratic National Committee servers in 2016, and that former Vice President Joe Biden had corruptly forced Ukraine to oust a prosecutor to shield his son Hunter, who was affiliated with a Ukrainian energy company.

As The Times editorial board noted, both of those theories have been persuasive­ly debunked, and that aspect of the whistleblo­wer’s complaint isn’t new. What is new is the allegation that the White House took unusual steps to destroy or hide evidence of the call.

“In the days following the phone call, I learned from multiple U.S. officials that senior White House officials had intervened to ‘lock down’ all records of the phone call, especially the word-for-word transcript of the call that was produced — as is customary — by the White House Situation Room,” the whistleblo­wer wrote. “This set of actions underscore­d to me that White House officials understood the gravity of what had transpired on the call.”

But wait, you say — didn’t Trump order a release of the “complete, fully declassifi­ed and unredacted transcript”? That’s what the president tweeted Tuesday, but that’s not what the White House issued the next day. Instead, it released a reconstruc­tion of the conversati­on from notes, which it emphasized was not a word-for-word account of the call.

According to the whistleblo­wer, White House lawyers ordered the actual transcript to be removed from the usual electronic storage bin, from where such things are typically distribute­d to all Cabinet members, and placed instead in a bin for “classified informatio­n of an especially sensitive nature.”

The whistleblo­wer conceded, though, that he or she did not know “whether similar measures were taken to restrict access to other records of the call, such as contempora­neous handwritte­n notes taken by those who listened to it.” Such notes were apparently used to create the memorandum about the call that the White House released Wednesday.

After the whistleblo­wer submitted the complaint to the intelligen­ce community’s inspector general, the White House threw up a new set of roadblocks.

The acting director of national intelligen­ce refused to turn the complaint over to the House and Senate Intelligen­ce Committees, triggering a fight with the inspector general and the House Intelligen­ce Committee that ultimately led to the release of the memorandum and the complaint, as well as to the whistleblo­wer tentativel­y agreeing to testify on Capitol Hill.

Before you argue that Trump has become an open book on this issue, let me point to a story my colleague Eli Stokels broke Thursday. Thanking members of the United States’ U.N. delegation at a private event in New York, the president said:

“I want to know who’s the person, who’s the person who gave the whistleblo­wer the informatio­n? Because that’s close to a spy.” As if the point weren’t clear enough, he went on: “You know what we used to do in the old days when we were smart? Right? The spies and treason, we used to handle it a little differentl­y than we do now.”

Yup, that’s the definition of transparen­cy: Telling members of your administra­tion that they could be tried for treason if they reported some apparent abuse of power or illegal conduct by their president.

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