Shar­ing China’s ex­pe­ri­ence with in­ter­na­tional com­mu­nity

The Korea Times - - NATIONAL - By Hwang jae-ho Hwang Jae-ho is di­rec­tor of the Global Se­cu­rity Co­op­er­a­tion Cen­ter, Hankuk Univer­sity of For­eign Stud­ies, Seoul. Ko Sung-hwah, a re­searcher at the cen­ter, as­sisted Pro­fes­sor Hwang with the ar­ti­cle.

In early Oc­to­ber, I met Fu Ying, vice chair­per­son (deputy min­is­ter in terms of Korea) of the For­eign Af­fairs Com­mit­tee in the Na­tional Peo­ple’s Congress. Fu Ying is one the world’s most fa­mous Chi­nese. Her name of­ten comes with the word “first in China.” She was the first fe­male vice for­eign min­is­ter since the re­form and open­ing in 1978, the first Chi­nese fe­male am­bas­sador to Aus­tralia and the U.K., and the first fe­male spokesper­son of the Na­tional Peo­ple’s Congress, which is the same con­cept as the Na­tional Assem­bly of Korea. She is now hon­orary dean of the In­sti­tute of In­ter­na­tional Re­la­tions of Ts­inghua Univer­sity and Chair­per­son of the Cen­ter for In­ter­na­tional Strat­egy and Se­cu­rity (CISS). In ad­di­tion, ac­cord­ing to a 2019 re­port by the Hoover In­sti­tu­tion of Stan­ford Univer­sity, Fu Ying is highly rated as the “se­nior fig­ure in a grow­ing num­ber of U.S.-China in­ter­ac­tions.” Re­cently, she also pub­lished an English book “See­ing the World.” She has close links to Korea, there­fore, par­tic­i­pat­ing in the six-party talks as For­eign Min­istry di­rec­tor, and en­joy­ing Korean dra­mas such as “Dae­janggeum.” Per­son­ally, she drinks su­utei tsai (hot-style milk tea) on the week­ends, and lis­tens to tra­di­tional Mon­gol long songs.

Q First, would you ex­plain the mean­ing of the 70th an­niver­sary China’s Na­tional Foun­da­tion Day?

A Un­der the lead­er­ship of the Com­mu­nist Party of China, with the ef­forts of the Chi­nese peo­ple, China has escaped poverty and is now the world’s sec­ond-largest econ­omy. China’s global in­flu­ence has grown and China is in­creas­ingly play­ing a role in in­ter­na­tional af­fairs. What the in­ter­na­tional com­mu­nity can­not but ac­knowl­edge, whether it is for or against China’s achieve­ments, is that China’s sys­tem and gov­er­nance even­tu­ally is suc­cess­ful. China’s suc­cess, in other words, means to re­write the Western-led in­ter­na­tional po­lit­i­cal and eco­nomic text­books, and it is worth be­ing re­ferred to as a model for the re­al­iza­tion of civ­i­liza­tion pur­sued by mankind.

Q How are you ob­serv­ing the rise of China?

A China is on the rise while the U.S. is in re­treat — a new round of ad­just­ments in the world power struc­ture. China’s eco­nomic suc­cess has cap­tured the world’s imag­i­na­tion. Thanks to sus­tained and rapid eco­nomic growth, Chi­nese liv­ing stan­dards have been ma­te­ri­ally im­proved, and China now boasts full-fledged in­fra­struc­ture and a man­u­fac­tur­ing sec­tor of depth and width. China’s in­flu­ence is also on the rise in terms of its sys­tem, cul­ture, the military and in other do­mains, thus giv­ing China more voice and weight in in­ter­na­tional af­fairs.

Q How will China’s rise af­fect the in­ter­na­tional com­mu­nity?

A China wants a peace­ful rise within the ex­ist­ing world order and global sys­tem, and it has a lot at stake in uphold­ing it. But it also needs to tackle squarely the un­just, ir­ra­tional and anachro­nis­tic as­pects of the sys­tem, and take vig­or­ous ac­tions to re­form and im­prove global gov­er­nance. By virtue of natural en­dow­ment and late-comer ad­van­tage, China is well placed to play a more im­por­tant role, and em­power world eco­nomic growth with the Belt and Road ini­tia­tive, and ul­ti­mately grow out of the old world sys­tem and em­brace a new one that en­cour­ages peace­ful co­ex­is­tence, com­mon pros­per­ity and the build­ing of a com­mu­nity with a shared fu­ture for hu­man­ity. Only by mak­ing more tan­gi­ble con­tri­bu­tions to im­prov­ing global gov­er­nance can China lend cre­dence to the logic that when China gets stronger, the peace, de­vel­op­ment and pros­per­ity of the world are bet­ter safe­guarded.

Q What kind of poli­cies and ef­forts should China have to achieve this?

A China still is a de­vel­op­ing coun­try and the road to build­ing a com­pre­hen­sive na­tional power is still a long way off. China, how­ever, is achiev­ing a world-rec­og­niz­able mod­ern­iza­tion out­come and wants to share the Chi­nese style of de­vel­op­ment meth­ods and ex­pe­ri­ences with the in­ter­na­tional com­mu­nity, in­stead of end­ing up as just China’s own.

We are will­ing to in­tro­duce China’s de­vel­op­ment and achieve­ments to the in­ter­na­tional com­mu­nity through the voice of the Chi­nese, the writ­ings, and books of the Chi­nese

peo­ple. There­fore, we should strengthen the in­ter­na­tional news me­dia in­dus­try, which can de­liver it as well as the Western me­dia. China can also take the lead in in­ter­na­tional opin­ion by strength­en­ing its agenda-set­ting abil­ity and the abil­ity to lead in­ter­na­tional dis­course. Even­tu­ally, creat­ing a dis­course in the in­ter­na­tional com­mu­nity will as­sist China to en­hance its pos­i­tive in­ter­na­tional sta­tus and shape.

Q Would you share your per­spec­tive on the U.S. lead­er­ship?

A Although the U.S. is a dom­i­nant power in the world, its strate­gic poli­cies have eroded its global clout. Un­der the Trump pres­i­dency, the U.S. has been cut­ting back its com­mit­ment to ex­ter­nal af­fairs, jump­ing at ev­ery op­por­tu­nity to un­load non-es­sen­tial obli­ga­tions in order to avoid get­ting mired in any re­gional con­flicts.

Q Will China-U.S. re­la­tions shape the global po­lit­i­cal ar­chi­tec­ture in the years ahead?

A The “power tran­si­tion” the­ory en­vi­sions that the establishe­d power will not read­ily re­lin­quish power to the ris­ing power, while the ris­ing power will use its rapidly ac­crued strength to ex­plore over­seas mar­kets, build military power, mo­nop­o­lize cut­ting-edge tech­nolo­gies, and purge the establishe­d power, all aim­ing to change the ex­ist­ing order and norms and at­tain global priv­i­lege that is on par with its new found power, which means up­end­ing the old order. When the ris­ing power un­seats the establishe­d power and thus com­pletes the tran­si­tion, it marks the on­set of a new world order. His­tory sug­gests that “power tran­si­tion” in mod­ern times took place in­vari­ably be­tween Western pow­ers and fierce com­pe­ti­tion was a hall­mark, although they hailed from more or less the same his­tory, cul­ture and sys­tem. So here the “power tran­si­tion” in its essence is lead­er­ship tran­si­tion within one and the same po­lit­i­cal and civ­i­liza­tion ecosys­tem.

Q Ar­ti­fi­cial In­tel­li­gence (AI) is a global topic th­ese days. How will AI af­fect the in­ter­na­tional order?

A In terms of the in­ter­na­tional con­fig­u­ra­tion, AI may shift the bal­ance of eco­nomic and military power among coun­tries, em­power the non-state ac­tors in an un­prece­dented way and in­ten­sify in­ter­na­tional tech­no­log­i­cal com­pe­ti­tion. With re­gard to in­ter­na­tional norms, AI is likely to change the forms and prin­ci­ples of war, thus ex­ert­ing an im­pact on ex­ist­ing in­ter­na­tional laws and ethics. The se­cu­rity and gov­er­nance chal­lenges brought by AI re­quire the col­lec­tive re­sponse of hu­man­ity, and that coun­tries, when dis­cussing and ex­plor­ing fu­ture in­ter­na­tional norms gov­ern­ing AI, may pro­ceed from the vi­sion of build­ing a com­mu­nity with a shared fu­ture for all mankind, as well as the con­cept of com­mon se­cu­rity.

Cour­tesy of Hwang Jae-ho

Fu Ying, left, speaks with Hwang Jae-ho.

“See­ing the World” by Fu Ying

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