The Korea Times

Macron factor

- By Melvyn B. Krauss Melvyn B. Krauss is professor emeritus of economics at New York University. This article was distribute­d by Project Syndicate (www. project-syndicate.org).

STANFORD — In French President Emmanuel Macron, the United States has the best ally it could hope for in the Elysee Palace. In fact, Macron may now be the only U.S. allied leader with a genuine liberal-internatio­nalist worldview to match that of U.S. President Joe Biden.

Biden’s options for a truly reliable partner in Europe are, sadly, few nowadays. British Prime Minister Boris Johnson may fancy himself as the second coming of Winston Churchill, but as long as he is in power, his Trumpian-scale mendacity and madcap approach to policymaki­ng will make it essentiall­y impossible for the Biden administra­tion to find much value in the old “special relationsh­ip.”

Germany, meanwhile, had over recent years increasing­ly come to look like America’s key ally in Europe, owing to its economic heft, and cool, deliberate leadership under Chancellor Angela Merkel. But Merkel’s 15-year chancellor­ship will end later this year, and that will undoubtedl­y change the strategic calculus.

Given this, Philip Stephens of the Financial Times is not wrong to suggest that, “if Biden wants a reliable European partner, he would do better to look to America’s oldest ally”: France. While Merkel “will admit no equal when it comes to bold declaratio­ns about upholding democracy, playing by the multilater­al rules, and respecting human rights,” nor will she (or presumably her successor) allow these concerns “to threaten Germany’s economic interests — not least its business dealings with China and Russia.”

With a commitment to France’s economic revival to match that of Merkel’s in Germany, Macron also offers something that she does not: namely, a clear, realistic assessment of the world and of the challenges facing the West. Unlike any other Western leader today, Macron not only grasps the global power shifts underway, but has initiated a far-sighted military reform agenda to confront this new age of uncertaint­y.

But Macron, buffeted by the pandemic, faces a difficult presidenti­al election next April. Although he retains a lead over his main rival, Marine Le Pen of the far-right National Rally, there is no denying that it could be a close race. For his part, Biden clearly understand­s that a Le Pen victory would be a disaster for the transatlan­tic alliance, the European Union, and ultimately the U.S.

The West will have traded Donald Trump in Washington for his female doppelgang­er in Paris. The big winner, once again, would be Russian President Vladimir Putin, because Le Pen — whose party previously relied on loans from Russian banks — would surely set about destroying both NATO and the EU.

For the U.S., then, it is time to act. The first and best thing the Biden administra­tion could do to bolster Macron’s standing is to send more vaccines to France immediatel­y. To be seen brokering a deal for a reliable supply of vaccines would be a giant feather in Macron’s cap. Indeed, the pandemic has created an opportunit­y for American ingenuity to serve both U.S. domestic and security interests. Biden should seize it.

Moreover, Biden and Macron are closely aligned on a number of key economic issues. While Biden wants to claw back tax money from Big Tech firms, Macron has been demanding the same within the OECD, and his finance minister, Bruno Le Maire, has been conducting talks with the U.S.

With Trump in power, these French efforts mostly went nowhere. But now a new grand bargain has become a realistic prospect. Just this month, Le Maire expressed hope that “we can also move forward with (U.S. Secretary of the Treasury) Janet Yellen on the taxation of digital services to reach a comprehens­ive agreement at the level of the OECD in the summer.”

Until now, the sticking point has been U.S. opposition to letting other countries tax the sales revenues that Big Tech companies generate in their jurisdicti­ons. But now that the Biden administra­tion needs to clinch a global corporate tax deal, it may concede this point, offering a victory to the leader who has been championin­g a digital-services tax: Macron.

If the U.S. and France can both agree to a global minimum corporate tax rate, the OECD will be likely to go along; and where the OECD goes, the world will follow. In this way, a global grand bargain could offer a big boost to U.S. tax revenues at a critical moment, and a significan­t political victory for Macron, who is too often wrongly portrayed (by the far left and far right) as a tool of big business.

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