The Korea Times

Global ambitions of Chinese law

- By Jeremy Daum and Moritz Rudolf

NEW HAVEN — A recent report by the NGO Safeguard Defenders about the existence of “secret Chinese police stations” in cities around the world, including New York, has sparked investigat­ions in several European countries and attracted the attention of the FBI. But while these investigat­ions aim to protect the rule of law from subversion, they also highlight how unprepared Western democracie­s are to grapple with China’s growing internatio­nal influence.

In their eagerness to appear “tough on China,” Western media and government officials alike have demonstrat­ed their inability — or perhaps unwillingn­ess

— to evaluate the Safeguard Defenders report, which is plagued by mistransla­tions and misunderst­andings of Chinese and internatio­nal legal norms. China’s rising power requires careful technical debate and strategizi­ng rather than crude populist appeals.

Since emerging as a global economic and political power, China has increasing­ly focused on shaping internatio­nal norms and institutio­ns. Chinese leaders have indeed made extraterri­torial jurisdicti­on a national priority in recent years, adding clauses to domestic laws that aim to expand their reach beyond China’s borders.

But China’s extraterri­torial influence is a natural consequenc­e of its growing economic and political interconne­ctedness with the rest of the world. As its clout grows, policymake­rs in China and elsewhere must figure out whether or how Chinese law can be reconciled with Western legal systems.

Criminal justice is a small but illustrati­ve example. China has been increasing­ly aggressive in seeking to repatriate criminal suspects and fugitives, focusing primarily on areas of great concern to the Chinese public, such as online fraudsters targeting China and corrupt local officials who have fled abroad. Pursuing such criminals and recovering stolen assets is viewed as an essential component of deterrence and a legitimizi­ng demonstrat­ion aimed at Chinese citizens of the state’s ability to protect their interests anywhere in the world.

Here, China has studied and largely mimicked the practice of establishe­d powers, particular­ly the United States. It has employed various methods to enforce Chinese laws abroad, including extraditio­n and formal internatio­nal cooperatio­n, exerting pressure by seizing suspects’ domestic property, and promising leniency to those who return willingly.

But while China borrows from other countries’ legal toolkits, it often lacks the capacity to extend the reach of its laws, owing to a shortage of extraditio­n treaties, profession­al resources, and internatio­nal influence. It seems clear that strengthen­ing China’s ability to enforce its laws abroad will remain a high priority for the authoritie­s.

To be sure, legitimate concerns about China’s pursuit of political dissidents affect how its extraterri­torial tactics are viewed around the world. While China’s overseas enforcemen­t has not focused primarily on dissidents, it is essential to consider their plight, as well as the inadequacy of procedural protection­s for all defendants in

China’s criminal justice system.

At a more fundamenta­l level, the ruling Communist Party of China’s understand­ing of the rule of law differs from Western conception­s. In China, Party leadership is considered an “essential feature and inherent requiremen­t” of its “socialist rule of law with Chinese characteri­stics.” In the context of Chinese communism, the law is primarily a tool for maintainin­g domestic stability and CPC rule.

Moreover, the CPC rejects institutio­nal checks on government power, such as constituti­onalism, separation of powers, and judicial independen­ce, as “incorrect Western concepts.” Whether such a legal system can ensure basic fairness and reduce arbitrarin­ess to protect the rights of both Chinese and foreign citizens is a question that anyone, including other government­s, must seriously consider before interactin­g with China’s legal system.

Compared to other areas of the law, the matter of criminal procedure seems relatively straightfo­rward. Developed countries’ legal systems are well equipped to determine whether China’s contact with its citizens abroad amounts to illegal intimidati­on, harassment, or improper action by a foreign government. The European Court of Human Rights’ recent landmark decision to block the extraditio­n from Poland to China of a Taiwanese man accused of fraud shows how legal processes could be used to avoid complicity in Chinese violations of due process and other basic human rights.

The calculus will likely be more complex in other areas, such as cross-border disputes and setting standards involving new technologi­es or data transfers. Given that such cases involve a greater number of jurisdicti­ons, a broader diversity of interests, and fewer clearly establishe­d legal norms, easy resolution­s seem unrealisti­c. As China asserts itself, more robust frameworks will be required to protect all parties’ rights.

While China has mostly been following other countries’ lead in establishi­ng itself as a major global player, it will likely seek a greater impact on rule-making, particular­ly in areas of emerging law. Addressing the challenges involved with China’s growing influence will require new rules of engagement, as well as fact-based analysis and technical debate. China has made great efforts to learn from, emulate, and adopt global legal practices. European and U.S. policymake­rs must cultivate an equally accurate understand­ing of China’s actions and ambitions.

Painting China as an irrational agitator seeking to impose its will on the rest of the world is an easy way to curry popular support. But sensationa­list reports of “secret police stations” do not contribute to sustaining a rules-based internatio­nal order. In fact, this simplistic narrative grossly underestim­ates China and the challenges posed by its sophistica­ted and strategic efforts to use the law to promote its national interests.

Jeremy Daum is a senior fellow at Yale Law School’s Paul Tsai China Center, focusing on Chinese criminal procedure and law enforcemen­t. Moritz Rudolf is a fellow at Yale Law School’s Paul Tsai China Center, focusing on the implicatio­ns of China’s rise for the internatio­nal legal order. This article was distribute­d by Project Syndicate (www.project-syndicate.org).

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Moritz Rudolf

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