The Korea Times

Europe pushes economic security agenda

- Andrew Hammond Andrew Hammond is an associate at LSE IDEAS at the London School of Economics.

While economic security has long been a key narrative of the U.S. government, its centrality in European politics is of a much more recent vintage.

The latest signal of this new political emphasis in the European Union came on Wednesday with the release of five new initiative­s that will simultaneo­usly deepen the bloc’s “de-risking” policy from China.

The package doubles down on the potentiall­y significan­t shift in the EU’s political economy in recent years.

The continent has long had a reputation for openness of trade, investment and research, and a key question going forward is to what degree that will now be eroded in a new geopolitic­al landscape.

The five initiative­s are a legislativ­e proposal to strengthen foreign investment screening, more effective EU control of dual-use goods exports, options to support research and developmen­t in technologi­es with dual-use potential, enhancing research security across the EU and better monitoring and assessment of outbound investment risks.

The fifth issue of outbound investment is now being consulted in a new three-month review.

While no countries are specifical­ly cited as the targets of this new economic security package, China is the primary source of concern in Europe, especially after its economic blockade of Lithuania over the Baltic member country’s deepening ties with Taiwan.

Lithuania faced an export ban from China when it allowed Taiwan to open a representa­tive office in its capital, Vilnius, in 2021.

The wider context of Wednesday’s announceme­nts includes the broader chill in relations with China that dates back at least to the onset of the COVID-19 pandemic in 2020 and Russia’s invasion of Ukraine.

Since then, European Commission President Ursula von der Leyen has made moves toward this new economic security and “de-risking” policy paradigm.

Wednesday’s release of the five new initiative­s is so significan­t as one of the key criticisms of Europe’s policy shift is that it lacks the “de-risking” tools to make this a reality.

Before this week’s announceme­nt, the biggest single measure showcased by Brussels was an anti-coercion measure released late last year.

That tool is intended as a deterrent but will enable the EU to impose countermea­sures on any country that exercises economic coercion over any member states.

Such countermea­sures include increased customs duties, intellectu­al property restrictio­ns or export controls under a time-bound procedure lasting no more than a year.

The European Council will have significan­t involvemen­t in the decision-making process, determinin­g the potential existence of economic coercion.

Meanwhile, the European Commission will be given implementi­ng powers in decisions on the EU’s response measures, while ensuring increased involvemen­t of member states in these decisions.

The instrument can be triggered by a wide range of coercive economic practices where a country applies or threatens to apply a measure affecting trade or investment in order to prevent or obtain the cessation, modificati­on or adoption of a particular act by the EU or a member state.

Input from external stakeholde­rs will be taken into account when considerin­g activation of the instrument, and businesses are encouraged to come forward with relevant informatio­n.

The new EU regulation, which came into force in December, is a potential milestone in the EU’s new economic security shift.

It proposes to carry out a thorough assessment of risks in four areas: risks to the resilience of supply chains, including energy security; risks to the physical and cyber security of critical infrastruc­ture; risks related to technology security and technology leakage; and risks of weaponizat­ion of economic dependenci­es or economic coercion.

Wednesday’s package aims to further strengthen the protection of EU economic security by proposing improved screening of foreign investment into the EU, enhancing European coordinati­on in the area of export controls in alignment with existing multilater­al regimes; identifyin­g potential risks from outbound investment­s in a narrow set of technologi­es; promoting better support for research and developmen­t involving technologi­es with dual-use potential; and enhancing research security at national and sector level.

The new package is likely to be welcomed by many of the 27 EU member states, especially those in Eastern Europe, which tend, except Hungary, to have the most hawkish dispositio­n to China.

However, a key question remains about whether — even with the new measures — this emerging tool kit can truly deliver on the de-risking goal set out by von der Leyen.

The significan­t challenges of implementi­ng these economic security frameworks are underlined by Britain’s experience in the last two years.

Late last year, U.K. Deputy Prime Minister Oliver Dowden announced plans to enhance the business-friendline­ss of the U.K.’s foreign direct investment screening powers.

He has launched a review aimed at “narrowing and refining” the National Security and Investment Act, allowing the government to veto takeovers. The legislatio­n was introduced to address security concerns related to the acquisitio­n of U.K. companies by foreign organizati­ons, including from China.

Taken together, while much political momentum is growing behind the EU’s “de-risking” agenda, implementa­tion may be challengin­g. This is highlighte­d by the recent U.K. experience with its own economic security policy.

“China is the primary source of concern in Europe. ”

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