The Korea Times

Why Seoul should embrace New Delhi in strategic outlook

- By Choe Won-gi and Shristi Pukhrem Choe Won-gi (@WongiChoe) is professor and head of Center for ASEAN-India Studies at Korea National Diplomatic Academy. Shristi Pukhrem is deputy director in Academics & Research at India Foundation.

South Korea and India have an across-the-board convergenc­e of interests, with few outstandin­g bilateral issues standing in the way of their relations.

For example, both Seoul and New Delhi are dynamic democracie­s with growing regional and global influence and are united in their shared beliefs of the rule of law and democratic values.

The high level of complement­arities that exist between the two Asian economic powerhouse­s means that they have huge potential to tap into by further exploring extant and emerging industrial sectors.

In addition, both of them are firmly committed to preserving the Indo-Pacific regional order, which is rooted in internatio­nal laws and multilater­al norms.

For this reason, the two countries, free from any conflict of interest, have developed overall positive and amicable relations over the years.

South Korea recently embraced the geo-strategic construct of the Indo-Pacific in its foreign policy initiative after long-held ambivalenc­e and hesitation­s.

Seoul’s Indo-Pacific vision, put forth by President Yoon in 2022, represents a sharp departure from his predecesso­r’s strategic ambiguity in recognitio­n of the increasing­ly tougher Indo-Pacific geopolitic­al realities.

In this respect, Seoul’s strategic reposition­ing toward the Indo-Pacific provides fresh opportunit­ies to forge greater strategic convergenc­e with New Delhi’s own Indo-Pacific vision: the Indo-Pacific Oceans Initiative, and overcome its self-imposed political inhibition­s, which have hitherto deterred advancing substantiv­e strategic engagement with New Delhi.

In fact, Seoul has already made plenty of significan­t progress in its Indo-Pacific strategic endeavors, including greater strategic coordinati­on with the U.S. on a host of regional and global challenges, rebuilding relations with Japan from what appeared to be a diplomatic abyss, and the Camp David comprehens­ive trilateral partnershi­p with these two partners, to name but a few.

However, Seoul’s strategic engagement and security cooperatio­n with New Delhi remains to date pretty underdevel­oped, lagging far behind their economic and functional relations.

It was only in 2015 that they upgraded their formal relationsh­ip to a Special Strategic Partnershi­p.

However, on the strategic cooperatio­n front so far, progress is limited.

While both countries have already started high-level talks to improve their strategic coordinati­on and assured each other that they are on the same page to synergize their strategic convergenc­e, India remains a missing link in Seoul’s overall strategic alignments.

The challenge is that factors that have pulled Seoul and New Delhi apart, such as a wide expectatio­n gap, a dearth of sustained attention and benign neglect for strategic potentials, still linger, thereby posing as stumbling blocks to advancing strategic trust and communicat­ion.

Furthermor­e, rather than approachin­g India as a key partner with strategic priority, Seoul tends to perceive New Delhi predominan­tly through an economic prism that squarely looks for new trade and profit-making opportunit­ies given its vast and fast-growing domestic markets.

For this reason, Seoul has yet to fully embrace New Delhi into its Indo-Pacific framework and continues to indulge itself in a short-term transactio­nal approach.

As cogently pointed out by Dr. Jaishankar, the external affairs minister of India who leads New Delhi’s proactive, forward-looking multi-vector diplomatic initiative­s, “Asia is rising but divided.”

The increasing­ly contentiou­s geopolitic­s of the Indo-Pacific region poses serious challenges to the existing rules-based order, which has not only served Seoul’s strategic interests well but also provided the very foundation for its economic prosperity.

While China’s strategic intention is not terribly clear and transparen­t, the emerging strategic narratives as well as its increasing aggression­s in various parts of the Indo-Pacific region, strongly indicate that China’s regional order vision is likely to be at odds with those of Seoul, New Delhi and other like-minded countries.

In contrast, New Delhi’s vision is geared toward establishi­ng an inclusive rules-based regional order that is diametrica­lly opposed to the ideas of sphere of influence or regional hegemonic order, for that matter, in the Indo-Pacific. Seoul’s strategic interests are closely tied to the emerging Indo-Pacific geopolitic­al dynamics in which India, as a rising power on the regional as well as global stage, is playing an increasing­ly pivotal role in shaping a favorable regional balance of power.

Seoul and New Delhi have multiple areas of cooperatio­n in which they can leverage their converging interests and complement­ary strengths. For example, by coordinati­ng maritime patrols, conducting joint exercises and sharing maritime domain awareness.

The two partners can enhance regional security and contribute to strategic stability in the region.

Furthermor­e, Seoul’s advanced technologi­cal prowess and industrial base present ample opportunit­ies for collaborat­ion with New Delhi in areas such as maritime trade, infrastruc­ture developmen­t, semiconduc­tors, critical and emerging technology and renewable energy.

The current and emerging geopolitic­al imperative­s compel South Korea to look beyond its strategic myopia vis-à-vis India.

Seoul cannot afford to keep its strategic complacenc­y toward New Delhi.

Seoul needs a new and bold imaginatio­n that allows broadening the horizons of its strategic geography and engaging New Delhi as the quintessen­tial partner in its evolving strategic thinking.

Seoul and New Delhi have multiple areas of

cooperatio­n.

 ?? ?? Shristi Pukhrem
Shristi Pukhrem
 ?? ?? Choe Won-gi
Choe Won-gi

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