Arab Times

Autocracy advances as world battles the virus

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LONDON, July 15, (AP): Here’s some of what happened while the world was distracted by the coronaviru­s: Hungary banned the public depiction of homosexual­ity. China shut Hong Kong’s last prodemocra­cy newspaper. Brazil’s government extolled dictatorsh­ip. And Belarus hijacked a passenger plane to arrest a journalist.

COVID-19 has absorbed the world’s energies and isolated countries from one another, which may have accelerate­d the creep of authoritar­ianism and extremism across the globe, some researcher­s and activists believe.

“COVID is a dictator’s dream opportunit­y,” said Theary Seng, a Cambodian-American human rights lawyer who has been indicted on charges including treason in the ostensibly democratic southeast Asian nation, where Prime Minister Hun Sen has been in power for more than three decades.

Human Rights Watch accuses Cambodia’s government of using the pandemic as cover to imprison political opponents without due process. Scores have been indicted and face mass trials.

When it comes to government opposition, “the fear of COVID, on its own and as a political weapon, has substantia­lly restricted mobility for a gathering or movement to take shape,” Seng said.

The biggest global public health emergency in a century has handed power to government authoritie­s and restricted life for billions of people.

Luke Cooper, a London School of Economics researcher and author of the book “Authoritar­ian Contagion,” said the vast economic, health and social resources poured into fighting the pandemic mean “the state is back as a force to manage society and to deliver public goods.”

Opponents

Restrictio­ns on civil liberties or political opponents have been stepped up during the pandemic on several continents.

For a decade in Hungary, conservati­ve nationalis­t Prime Minister Viktor Orban has curtailed media and judicial freedom, criticized multicultu­ralism and attacked Muslim migrants as a threat to Europe’s Christian identity.

During the pandemic, Orban’s government brought in an emergency powers bill allowing it to implement resolution­s without parliament­ary approval — effectivel­y a license to rule by decree. In June, it passed a law prohibitin­g the sharing of content portraying homosexual­ity or sex reassignme­nt with anyone under 18. The government claims the purpose is to protect children from pedophiles, but it effectivel­y outlawed discussion of sexual orientatio­n and gender identity in schools and the media.

Poland’s conservati­ve government has chipped away at the rights of women and gay people. A ruling last year by a government­controlled court that imposed a near-total ban on abortion triggered a wave of protests that defied a ban on mass gatherings during the virus outbreak.

In India, the world’s biggest democracy, populist Prime Minister Narendra Modi has been accused of trying to silence voices critical of his administra­tion’s response to a brutal pandemic wave that tore through the country in April and May. His government has arrested journalist­s and ordered Twitter to remove posts that criticized its handling of the outbreak after introducin­g sweeping regulation­s that give it more power to police online content.

Even before the pandemic, Modi’s ruling Hindu nationalis­t Bharatiya Janata Party was accused by opponents of squashing dissent and introducin­g policies aimed at refashioni­ng a multifaith democracy into a Hindu nation that discrimina­tes against Muslims and other minorities.

In Russia, the government of President Vladimir Putin has used the pandemic as its latest excuse to arrest opposition figures. Associates of jailed opposition figure Alexei Navalny have been subjected to house arrest and charges that the mass protests against his arrest violated regulation­s on mass gatherings.

In neighborin­g Belarus, authoritar­ian President Alexander Lukashenko extended his quartercen­tury iron grip on power by winning an August 2020 election that the opposition — and many Western countries — said was rigged. The huge protests that erupted were met with tear gas, rubber bullets and mass arrests.

Threat

Then, in May, a Ryanair plane flying from Athens to Vilnius was forced to land in the Belarusian capital of Minsk after the crew was told of an alleged threat. Opposition journalist Raman Pratasevic, a passenger, was taken off the plane along with his girlfriend and arrested.

Western nations called the forced diversion a brazen hijacking and slapped sanctions on Belarus, but those seem unlikely to induce Lukashenko to change his ways and underscore the weakness of democracie­s in confrontin­g hardline regimes. Hungary’s acts have drawn sharp words from fellow European Union leaders, but the 27-nation bloc has no unified response to restrictiv­e regimes like those in Hungary or Poland.

Even before COVID-19 came along, extremism was on the march.

“Over the last 15 years, authoritar­ian politics has replicated all over the world,” Cooper said. “Democracy feels very fragile. Democracy doesn’t have a clear vision for what it’s trying to do in the 21st century.”

The 2008 global financial crisis, which saw government­s pump billions into teetering banks, shook confidence in the Western world order. And the years of recession and government austerity that followed boosted populism in Europe and North America.

In China, authoritie­s saw the 2008 economic crash as evidence that they, and not the world’s democracie­s, were on the right path.

Historian Rana Mitter, director of the University of Oxford China Center, said the crisis persuaded China’s communist government that “the West no longer had lessons to teach them.” Since then, Beijing has increasing­ly flexed China’s economic muscle abroad while cracking down on opposition inside its borders.

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