‘DON’T STAY IN COMFORT ZONES’
DEPUTY Prime Minister and Umno vice-president Datuk Seri Dr Ahmad Zahid Hamidi gives a frank assessment ahead of the party’s general assembly.
Umno members must realise that there will always be criticism against us regardless of what we do... We must be grounded in reality when addressing these matters.
High cost of living and housing issues should not be swept under the carpet
Study shows Umno splinter parties will not last long
Too early to touch on any political realignment vis-a-vis Pas
It’s not good enough to have just one approach to attract young voters
THE Parliament compound was packed to the brim on Monday. At the building dubbed “Menara Parlimen”, Deputy Prime Minister Datuk Seri Dr Ahmad Zahid Hamidi was seen zigzagging between rooms full of journalists and cameramen waiting for separate interview sessions with him. Despite his hectic schedule, the Umno vice-president, who also carries out the task of the party’s deputy president, did not fail to smile and laugh as he warmly greeted the media from across the floor.
It has been more than a year since Zahid took on the mantle as deputy prime minister, and the road has been challenging indeed. Unlike his predecessor, Zahid believes that it is his utmost responsibility to stand by the prime minister through thick and thin, and he is more than willing to get the job done despite the harsh political climate. An aide told a few members of the media sometime back that Zahid had drilled the concept of deputy-ship into his officers in order for them to understand the huge, collective responsibilities of working in the DPM’s office.
Zahid is a no-nonsense leader who has never given up on Umno despite the political crisis that rocked the party following the departure of a former party No.2 at that time. During a session with A. Jalil Hamid, Syed
Umar Ariff and Zafira Anwar at his beige-themed, expansive office, Zahid speaks on the importance for party members to realise the challenges and perceptions awaiting them outside Umno. They also have to meet the demands of Malaysia’s various communities and to open a clear line of communication between leaders and the people.
Q: The current political landscape is challenging. What is the desired outcome from the upcoming party assembly?
A: While the political climate in Umno is at its level best, it is a different story outside the party. In this instance, the strengthening of unity among leaders and the grassroots is very much needed in the face of adversities outside Umno. Hence, the party’s assembly this year will focus on our preparedness for the 14th General Election (GE14).
We know there are important issues to be resolved. Several requests, especially on our electoral system that supposedly needs to be more transparent — although we have implemented measures like using indelible ink despite other countries switching to the electronic medium — of course, those demands will be fulfilled through the Election Commission.
The political transformation policy introduced by the prime
minister should have been welcomed. But there are those who will never be satisfied.
In such situations, Umno members must realise that there will always be criticism against us regardless of what we do.
We must be grounded in reality when addressing these matters. We should not remain in our comfort zones. We must anticipate that what is happening outside the party is not something extraordinary, but rather, extraordinary issues requiring extraordinary approaches.
Q: What is Umno’s advantage in facing the emergence of Parti Pribumi Bersatu Malaysia led by Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad and Tan Sri Muhyiddin Yassin?
A: In 1987, Umno was split into two factions. And when we went ahead to contest in the 1990 general election, we still managed to garner a two-thirds majority, not because of a certain individual, but the party’s strength at its core.
In the 1999 general election, after a huge political crisis in 1998, the basis of Umno’s strength had led to the party’s electoral victory.
And today’s situation is the fourth (of similar crises) that we are facing. (Even) when party founder Datuk Onn Jaafar himself left the party, it has been proven that our principles, especially among the leadership, hold the party together.
Q: However, some Umno leaders appear too confident with
its internal support, whereas the situation is quite different outside.
A: Back then, we had a situation where party members decided to follow a new, multiracial party led by a prominent (former) Umno leader.
Today, and not out of arrogance, I am confident that the party president will be able to overcome such challenges due to the “template” or similarities of previous incidences, and solid unity among Umno members.
I was involved in the previous (party) leadership — whenever there were hints of cracks, there will be ways to mend it through various rallies and assemblies.
Nevertheless, I know that such assemblies are not suitable today, where information can be made viral at your fingertips. This is the approach (a change in communication) that must be utilised by Umno.
Q: Is Umno strong enough to garner great confidence among the people?
A: Strength can be construed as a subjective matter. I can say that Umno is strong when we win twothirds majority along with other Barisan Nasional candidates.
However, before we can regain the two-thirds, we (should) consider that there is a need to rebuild Umno and BN’s strength.
All parties must work hard together in this aspect.
Q: Can Umno rebuild its strength to face the present challenges?
A: We should look at several transformation efforts that were carried out prior to our (popularity) peak. If we do not implement further modifications beyond that, then a saturation period will take place.
Although Umno has been around for 70 years in the country’s political arena, we have not been ruled by a single individual or a leader. Umno leaders come and go, and the same goes for prime ministers.
Under Datuk Seri Najib Razak, there have been so many transformations carried out.
It may not appear obvious to some and may also be harshly opposed by certain quarters.
But I have made a promise to myself that I will help the prime minister meet all of our objectives and realise the transformations in order to preserve the relevancy of Umno and its survivability.
Q: In your discussions on party issues with Najib, what is the most prominent problem agreed on by both of you?
A: “Warlords” have become a big problem in Umno, as they expect political rewards or dividends to be given to them.
This is especially (prevalent) among those with positions as they believe that they should be
I consider warlords to be the biggest problem in the party and if we manage to overcome them, then we will be able to place ourselves in a good political life cycle.
fielded in general elections, although the people might prefer only likeable or winnable candidates to represent Umno.
This was proven during the Sungai Besar and Kuala Kangsar by-elections, when we prioritised (the sentiments of ) voters.
Even the warlords admitted that only winnable candidates should be given preference. In the end, we were successful in our campaign and other political strategies.
I consider warlords to be the biggest problem in the party and if we manage to overcome them, then we will be able to place ourselves in a good political life cycle.
Q: Are there many likeable and winnable leaders in Umno?
A: A lot, if the warlords can accept reality (and make way for others).
Q: Many thought that since 2008’s political transformations, the warlords were no longer around.
A: The problem lies with whether the warlords are open (to changes). Of course, what is placed before them is the (sentiment that the) importance of the party supercedes individual interests. Well, if you look at it, warlords exist in other political parties, too.
Q: As such, is Umno and BN prepared to face internal frictions concerning candidates and seats?
A: Empirical studies by academicians have revealed that the 60 per cent success rate for BN in general elections is due to candidates, 20 per cent to the ability to resolve local issues, and another 20 per cent revolves around the party machinery and persuasive approaches.
This shows the importance of having winnable and likeable candidates. I believe this time around, BN is not only employing the readily available research agencies, but independent resources to determine the popularity ratings of those intended to be fielded.
Hence, if a top leader is found no longer suitable to be fielded, I and the party president will have to persuade (the individual) to accept such a reality.
The party outweighs individual interests. In negotiations pertaining to seat allocations between BN component parties, it requires deep thought and scrutiny so as to not distribute the seats according to quotas, but based on the candidates’ ability to win.
There may be solutions to any issue arising from this matter which can be used.
Q: Can Dr Mahathir’s party gain traction by politicising issues like 1Malaysia Development Bhd, high cost of living and housing woes?
A: That is not a totally new situation (for Umno).
It has happened during the previous leaderships. However, it is a priority for us to address the issue of perception — not only through explanation, defence or firefighting methods, but we must resolve them.
Such matters should not be swept under the carpet or else they will become a time bomb.
The prime minister has been positive in looking into the issues by employing not only rationalisations and subsidies, but solutions to ensure that only the deserving group will benefit.
When it comes to the cooking oil price, for example, the subsidised 2kg polybags are meant for purchase and use by households, while the unsubsidised, bottled ones are for wholesalers and food stall operators. The latter group, however, have taken advantage of the subsidised cooking oil.
The distribution of subsidies must be compartmentalised in order to plug leakages, (such as), how was our cooking oil (smuggled) overseas? How can the wealthy enjoy subsidised items as well?
That is why we need to analyse such issues and take immediate action. The same goes for the increasing cost of houses.
Of course, there are several methods to resolve this, such as a two-tier or second-generation loan to extend the repayment period.
I have suggested that the housing loan repayment period be made between 15 and 20 years so that it can be extended to the second generation of families (to ease the burden of monthly payments).
In my opinion, it can be done and we should engage professionals, academicians and real endusers.
Q: Will there be cooperation between Umno and Pas following the split of Malay votes?
A: There has yet to be a formal discussion on the matter, but it is not something that is impossible.
However, it is more on the pertinence of resolving people-centric issues — religion and Malay (interests). I see Pas to be more open today, and its receptiveness is something that is good for the country. Back then, when Pas was with the opposition pact, the Islamic party’s machinery was the one charging at the front lines.
Now that they are no longer with the pact, the political scenario is different, although any political calibration is too premature to be broached upon. The importance of the ummah should be prioritised. If the water is murky downstream, it is because dirt is flowing from upstream.
Q: Is there a specific approach to attract young voters, whom some say are naturally anti-establishment or fence-sitters?
A: There are three groups of young voters under 40 years old.
No. 1, the first-time voters. They have reached age 21 and are eligible to vote. Their perception
(on government and politics) should be analysed. Second, those who have voted but now choose to remain on the fence. They, too, must be analysed.
Third, those who have voted many times over, but choose to be with BN or the opposition.
If you look at these groups, you’ll know that we cannot use the same approach for all three. We need to use different methods and solutions to reach out to each one of them.
Q: Are different methods being used as well for Chinese and Indian voters, since their expectations may be poles apart?
A: For non-Malays, especially Chinese and Indians, each community has trained its sights on three factors (that it thinks should be emphasised upon).
For the Chinese, they want to know whether there will be a lot of business opportunities, access to quality education and safety.
But Indians are looking at three factors — first, they want to see whether education can be made into a platform of social mobility for them to move upwards on the social structure.
Second, they want to see whether they can get out of the poverty cycle. For those who have worked in plantations, they want to know whether they can own houses in the estates or if there is equal opportunity when they move to cities.
Third pertains to social problems in their community, especially urban poverty due to limited education.
There are many dropouts among them, besides the absence of socalled social justice.
Such factors are, of course, different than (what is demanded by) rural folk, who want basic infrastructure.
Today, they do not only need shelter to protect them from rain or shine, but also opportunities to move upwards in social mobility as well through quality education from universities.
Communities in Sabah and Sarawak, too, have different needs. We cannot implement the same template in the peninsula.
In those states, there is greater need for infrastructure and development, particularly in the interior.
Facilities in longhouses are not confined to electricity and water supply. If they see that we have Wi-Fi in the peninsula, they also
want to have the same facilities.
We must look at such matters in detail and we cannot shortchange them.
Q: With various approaches being utilised, are the youths still with Umno in terms of support?
A: Whether they are with us or otherwise, we need to analyse the situation not only with data, but fine-tune it with communication approaches.
In the past, face-to-face communication was the best medium to engage various target groups. Now, the communication chain varies from an individual to large groups.
Some issues tend to go viral if it relates closely to an individual. It will spread all the more further with a large group, which shares similar interests. That is why I always stress (the necessity) of a communication system not because I have a doctorate in communication, but because it (importance of understanding communication) is a fact.
If we miscommunicate with different target groups, then that will spell the end for us. That is the reality. If miscommunication between a husband and wife can lead to divorce, how much more can it affect political parties?
Q: Do you believe that Umno’s cybertroopers need to be strengthened?
A: I believe they need to strengthened. I must admit that our cybertroopers are not strong enough, although we have outnumbered our political enemies.
Q: What is your view on the survival of Umno splinter parties in today’s political climate?
A: There is this one former academician, a prominent opposition figure, who carried out a study on splinter parties. It found that the only Malay splinter party that will survive (despite harsh political weather) is Pas.
The study is not based on a survey, but party structure. That is why Parti Negara, Parti Kemerdekaan Malaya, Semangat 46, PKR... as well as Pas’s splinters Hamim and Berjasa, did or may not survive.
This does not mean that I am ruling out (the survival) of such splinter parties, but if the study is true, then let us wait and see.
Q: Do you see the irony of an individual, who was in the party under Datuk Seri Najib Razak’s leadership, now standing on Bersih’s platform?
A: After (May 13) 1969, this person had lost (in the general election) and subsequently went to a different platform.
And when he wanted a prominent figure (to be in the party leadership), he deviated to another platform again.
Today, he is doing the same thing. Different theme but the same approach. I think that the time will come when his clout, which he believes to be strong, is actually nearing its end.