CONFLICT IN OPPOSITION CAN SWING CHINESE VOTERS
IN his recent editorial about Chinese votes in Barisan Nasional’s equation, A Jalil Hamid, in my opinion, penned an interesting point: “The reality is that the Chinese could probably have made up their mind long ago.”
This is worthy of deeper appreciation, taking into account how the Chinese community reacted to certain issues that cropped up recently.
Several political analysts echoed similar observation about the relative calmness among Chinese voters this time around compared with the previous two general elections, the last one being emphatically labelled as “the Chinese tsunami” that reduced MCA and Gerakan representation in BN to the lowest in BN history, with the cheeky catchphrase “apa lagi Cina mahu?” coming along later.
The observation about calmness, however, may not be credible when measuring the reaction of the Chinese community when issues close to their heart are being scrutinised.
A case in point, the sudden and unsubstantiated accusation against billionaire Robert Kuok by a blogger.
The Chinese community viewed the attack as “blasphemy”, given Kuok’s stature in the global Chinese community.
The testimony about Kuok’s contribution and the legacy that he built stamped the journey of an ordinary man who worked his way to the pinnacle of success.
It accorded Kuok the status of a living legend. Credit to the prime minister for putting an end to an issue that many believed should not have started in the first place.
Nonetheless, those who have observed the development of the issue would find it difficult to justify that the issue was to BN’s benefit, especially from Chinese voters’ perspective.
Moreover, the reaction from the Chinese community also serves as a chilling reminder that while it is true to suggest that the Chinese community seems calmer and more sensible, but when the wrong button is pushed, it will unleash a tidal wave that will slam through any structure that stands in its way.
That issue taught all parties a lesson, but it also exposed what matters the most to the Chinese community — the aspiration for fairness.
This aspiration may sound general, but, throughout many generations of struggles and sacrifices, the Chinese community has realised that hoping for fairness would get them nowhere.
To realise that aspiration, they would have to earn it, which motivated many into making political choices that they believe were correct and relevant to the aspiration, even if it meant siding with an unproven political alliance over an established one.
Fairness also means not living in denial and not practise double standard.
These are the 101 of Malaysian Chinese political behaviours worthy of attention if one is to make further assessment of the Chinese sentiment.
It is not without reason why some opposition leaders thrive in political debates with emotional rhetoric because they know which issue would rally the Chinese sentiment the most.
Looking beyond the Chinese vote bank, many studies have been conducted about Chinese voting trends, mixing it with the political inclination of other communities.
Research houses and think tanks have also revealed their numbers on what they believe is the baseline figures of Chinese support for BN after dissecting the below 15 per cent registered in the last election, which contributed to the triumph of the opposition in Penang and Selangor.
The next general election promises a different battle ground.
The Penang government is no longer scandal-free as it once proclaimed; Selangor has its own issues to deal with, including the water crisis; the dissolution of Pakatan Rakyat after bitter squabble with Pas; DAP forging another political marriage with a leader it once chastised for decades; the peculiar emergence of spoil-vote movement; and, the birth of many small political parties that called themselves the third force.
Due to the conflicting chemistry in the opposition pack, some analysts are confident that the instability of the pack would irk the Chinese community, hence, returning 10 to 15 per cent of Chinese votes back to BN.
This is good enough to deliver additional parliamentary seats to MCA and Gerakan.
DAP did not take that equation as a reliable indicator, judging from its decision to shift party big names to contest in Johor and taking the fight for Chinese political hegemony to top MCA leaders’ stomping ground.
Some say this daring strategy was fuelled by the DAP leadership’s confidence that the opposition alliance, with Bersatu in the mix, would deliver enough Malay votes to make up for a loss of Chinese support.
That sense of supreme confidence by DAP about a Malay vote swing is the reason why DAP leaders are singing the praises of Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad, 92.
They hope to create a Malay tsunami led by the former prime minister to offset a loss of Chinese votes.
And, that is why Lim Kit Siang, the “Mursyidul Am” of DAP, who spent a few decades condemning Dr Mahathir, is embracing him in what many bill as Lim’s final attempt to dethrone BN.