New Straits Times

INDIA’S IMMIGRATIO­N QUANDARY

Can India ignore ‘illegals’ abroad, but move against ‘foreigners’ without being accused of practising double standards?

- Mahendrave­d07@gmail.comy

TWO processes at work for long place India on horns of dilemma that it cannot easily resolve. Its citizens are being accused of entering illegally or overstayin­g abroad, while it has just determined, tentativel­y though, that four million living on its soil in Assam may not be its citizens.

Can India ignore “illegals” abroad, but move against “foreigners” without being accused of practising double standards?

Both issues are sensitive, involving law and diplomacy and in Assam’s case, also sovereignt­y, demography, religion, inter-state relations — and politics, with parliament­ary polls coming.

For over two millennia, India has had invaders and explorers, conquerors who killed and ruled from its northwest, traders who came by the sea and turned colonisers and priests who proselytis­ed.

Many made India their home — and a cross-cultural cauldron that it is today.

Migration in the last two centuries that accelerate­d during the British colonial era has millions seeking greener pastures in distant lands. Many stayed on, but have maintained distant ties down the generation­s, unable or unwilling to shed the “Indian” label.

Thirty million view it as asset or liability, depending upon their success in their chosen homes and their perception of India.

If success stories abound, so does blowback as a consequenc­e of this twin process. It has accelerate­d with de-colonisati­on, globalisat­ion and now, its current “nationalis­tic” reversal. Welcome facilitato­r to some Indians, visa is a weapon against others.

Still under colonial rule, Jawaharlal Nehru enunciated an approach for Indian diasporas, anywhere. He encouraged those living in then Malaya and Singapore to organise themselves and seek better life. The message was that they should be good citizens wherever they are.

But he had to “accept” settlers from Ne Win’s Burma. Tamils returned from Sri Lanka, many after centuries. “Africanisa­tion” hounded many Indians, particular­ly from Idi Amin’s Uganda.

Besides Nepal, northeaste­rn India has settlers from Southeast Asia, particular­ly Thailand. Migration from densely populated Bengal was an organised movement during the British era. Now a festering dispute, where and from when does one draw the line?

Human migration is baffling. I have seen Ugandan Indians thrown out of British High Commission in New Delhi desperatel­y fighting to get British citizenshi­p, which most did.

Workers — and Indians are definitely not unique — don’t want to return, not even from West Asia’s conflict zones. Ask a person who has pawned home and farm to get a job abroad.

That, of course, is no excuse to enter illegally or overstay. At the India-Malaysia Track II Dialogue some years back, my positive take on bilateral ties was met by late Mahani Zainal Abidin, then Chief of the Institute of Strategic and Internatio­nal Studies (ISIS), with a discomfort­ing reminder: “30,000 Indians are overstayin­g”.

Back home, Assam’s crisis stems from a Supreme Court order and alacrity with which the present government wants to implement the Assam Accord signed in 1985 to meet the demand of the Assamese who want to oust the “foreigners”.

The apex court ordered and monitored preparatio­n of the National Register of Citizens (NRC) that includes those who can prove that they arrived in Assam prior to March 24, 1971, before neighbouri­ng East Pakistan, now Bangladesh, declared independen­ce. There is no estimate how many of 10 million who came to India during 1971 returned.

The exercise involving a complex population mix divides, families, including those who have lived for generation­s in Assam. It is difficult to detect a “foreigner” when a food ration card and residence certificat­e can be easily procured.

The government insists the NRC is provisiona­l with scope for appeal and rectificat­ion. The Election Commission (EC), too, assures that those excluded will not be automatica­lly disenfranc­hised. It will be a long process unlikely to be completed soon, assuming it will not be challenged legally and affected people will not protest.

As per the Accord, “foreigners” detected are to be deported to Bangladesh. But Dhaka does not accept that any of its citizens have gone to Assam illegally. As a wise diplomatic move, Delhi has kept Dhaka in the loop and has assured that deportatio­n is not on the cards.

Why, then, is the hurry and why the tension? Circumvent­ing government and EC assurances, fears are stalked by the likes of ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) president Amit Shah who called, in Parliament, those excluded “infiltrato­rs” and invoked the spectre of “national security”. This is an euphemism for Muslims, also the reason why India does not accept the Rohingya.

Indian journalist Shekhar Gupta who reported it, recalls: In the killings of 1983 in the Brahmaputr­a Valley, about 7,000 people died. A little over 3,000 of these were Muslims slaughtere­d in Nellie in a few hours early on Feb 18 morning. The rest were scattered all over, and mostly Muslims. In the three places, those killed were almost all Hindu — and by fellow Hindus.

“The attacking Hindus were Assamese-speaking, those massacred were Bengalis. The linguistic and ethnic hatred was as vicious as the communal bloodlust. Where the two impulses got rolled into one, as in Bengali Muslim enclaves like Nellie, the story was simpler as Assamese Hindus killed Bengali Muslims. Everybody was at everybody else’s throat. The BJP, and a well-meaning Supreme Court, have stirred the same deadly cocktail.

“In 1985, 33 years ago, Rajiv signed the Accord with Assam agitators, promising the NRC on this basis. For various reasons, the NRC wasn’t made until now. Two more generation­s have grown since. Can you deport or disenfranc­hise them now?” he asks.

Migration from densely populated Bengal was an organised movement during the British era. Now a festering dispute, where and from when does one draw the line?

The writer is president of the Commonweal­th Journalist­s Associatio­n (2016-2018) and a consultant with ‘Power Politics’ monthly magazine

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 ?? PIC AFP ?? Many made India their home — and a crosscultu­ral cauldron that it is today.
PIC AFP Many made India their home — and a crosscultu­ral cauldron that it is today.
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