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Morsi key player in Gaza deal

Egyptian president Mohammed Morsi is seen as the most fitting leader to deliver a deal with Gaza’s Hamas rulers.

- By HAMZA HENDAWI Cairo

THE Gaza cease-fire deal reached Wednesday marks a startling trajectory for Egyptian President Mohammed Morsi: an Islamist leader who refuses to talk to Israelis or even say the country’s name mediated for it and finally turned himself into Israel’s de facto protector.

The accord inserts Egypt to an unpreceden­ted degree into the conflict between Israel and Hamas, establishi­ng it as the arbiter ensuring that militant rocket fire into Israel stops and that Israel allows the opening of the long-blockaded Gaza Strip and stops its own attacks against Hamas.

In return, Morsi emerged as a major regional player. He won the trust of the United States and Israel, which once worried over the rise of an Islamist leader in Egypt but throughout the week-long Gaza crisis saw him as the figure most able to deliver a deal with Gaza’s Hamas rulers.

After Israel launched its assault on Gaza a week ago, aimed at stopping militant rocket fire, Morsi’s palace in a Cairo suburb became the Middle East’s diplomacy central.

He held talks with Turkey’s prime minister and the emir of Qatar, Germany’s foreign minister and a host of top Arab officials to get them behind his mediation. An Israeli envoy flew secretly into Cairo for talks with Egyptian security officials, though Morsi did not meet or speak directly with any Israelis.

Throughout it all, Morsi and his aides sided openly with Hamas, accusing Israel of starting the assault.

Morsi hails from the fundamenta­list Muslim Brotherhoo­d, Egypt’s most powerful political group and Hamas’ own parent organisati­on. Brotherhoo­d leaders, including Morsi, refuse to speak to Israeli officials. Morsi hasn’t even said the name of the country publicly since he was inaugurate­d in late June, though he has referred to its people as “Israelis”.

In ideology, the Brotherhoo­d supports the use of force against Israel to liberate “Muslim lands”. Only two months ago, the Brotherhoo­d’s supreme leader, Mohammed Badie, proclaimed that regaining Jerusalem can “only come through holy jihad”.

The group opposes Egypt’s 1979 peace treaty with Israel.

But since coming to power, the group has had to yield to pragmatism. The Brotherhoo­d and Morsi have promised to abide by the peace accord.

Through a military operation and through dialogue, Morsi has tried to rein in Islamic militants in the Sinai Peninsula who have attacked Egyptian security forces and staged attacks across the border into Israel.

When the Israeli offensive began, US President Barack Obama spoke to Morsi after talking to Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu. While Obama and Morsi disagreed over whom to blame for the violence, they agreed to work together to halt it.

That Israel was comfortabl­e with an Islamist like Morsi mediating may not be a measure of trust as much as a realisatio­n that only the Egyptians can persuade their Hamas cousins to enter a deal and ensure an end to rocket attacks.

The cease-fire announced Wednesday defines Egypt as the “sponsor” of the deal to which each side would appeal over violations. That potentiall­y puts Egypt in the uncomforta­ble position of ensuring militants in Gaza don’t fire rockets. If the deal falls apart – whichever side is to blame – Egypt could face damage to its credibilit­y or strained ties with one side or the other.

High internatio­nal profile

Since his presidency began, Morsi has used foreign policy to make a splash. Critics say that allows him a high internatio­nal profile with little accountabi­lity and is easier than tackling the daily hardship of a population already weighed down by unemployme­nt, price hikes and surging crime.

Morsi began with a hard hitting speech in Iran last August, calling on Teheran’s ally Syrian President Bashar Assad to step down. He founded a working group with Iran, Turkey and Saudi Arabia to look for an end to Syria’s civil war. It has gone nowhere and the Saudis have since pulled out, but Morsi is none the worse for it.

Gaza is more hazardous for him if the cease-fire fails. Egyptians feel strongly about what they see as decades of suffering by the Palestinia­ns at the hands of Israel. Their opposition to Israel runs deep after four full-blown wars with it in six decades. A resumption of Israeli attacks on Gaza, for example, could land Morsi in hot water with the Egyptian public.

Also, Morsi has to contend with growing criticism by critics that his preoccupat­ion with Gaza pulled him away from pressing issues at home.

More than 50 children were killed last week when their school bus was hit by a train at a railway crossing in southern Egypt, an incident that led to charges of negligence against Morsi’s government. Street protests against his policies and the Brotherhoo­d left one person dead and hundreds wounded in Cairo since Monday. Charges of illegitima­cy now swirl around a panel drafting a new constituti­on after liberals and Christians pulled out in protest against the domination of the process by Morsi’s Islamist allies.

On top of that, Egypt announced Tuesday it reached an initial understand­ing with the Internatio­nal Monetary Fund for a US$4.8bil (RM15bil) loan to kick-start the ailing economy. Egypt will have to reduce subsidies from basic items like fuel, risking social unrest over price hikes.

Sensing the mounting problems at home, Morsi called off plans to travel to Pakistan for a summit of eight Islamic nations, sending his vice president instead.

Morsi will stay home, an official announceme­nt said, “to follow up on domestic issues and the observatio­n by all parties of the ceasefire in Gaza.” — AP

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