The Chinese dilemma before election
For association leaders, political stability and community interest play in their mind before they make their choice.
UNDER Associated Chinese Chambers of Commerce and Industry of Malaysia (ACCCIM) former president Datuk Lim Kok Cheong, trade organisations should only articulate on business and economic issues only.
Hence, it was zai shang yan shang (in business, talk business only) for ACCCIM during Lim’s tenure from 2012 to 2015.
Although it was ACCCIM’s turn in 2012 to host a meeting with four other groups to deliberate on economy, culture and Chinese education and take a collective stand on these topics, it never took place during Lim’s leadership.
But the present ACCCIM president Tan Sri Ter Leong Yap is convinced they should resume leadership in confronting thorny national issues.
According to Hua Zong president Tan Sri Pheng Yin Huah, he had suggested to Ter to come to the fore when they were in Beijing recently.
Both men had attended a state ceremony to honour outstanding overseas Chinese before China’s Oct 1 national day.
“I told him that ACCCIM must activate this regular gathering that has been stalled for five years. As leaders, we must raise our concern over disturbing issues which have affected the people. ACCCIM cannot insist on zai shang yan shang anymore,” Pheng tells Sunday Star.
Ter agreed to the suggestion promptly, Pheng says.
Last Tuesday, ACCCIM finally called for a long-overdue meeting with leaders from the Federation of Chinese Associations Malaysia (Hua Zong), Federation of Seven Clans, United Chinese School Committees Association of Malaysia (Dong Zong) and United Chinese School Teachers Association of Malaysia (Jiao Zong).
While ACCCIM is the umbrella organisation for Chinese businessmen, Hua Zong and Seven Clans are apex bodies for thousands of smaller Chinese guilds and clans. Dong Zong and Jiao Zong represent Chinese educationists.
The five influential bodies later released a joint press statement.
“We have reached a consensus on many national issues concern- ing unity, economy, education and culture. We will come out with suggestions on how to solve them,” said Ter after the meeting.
Since this meeting was held prior to the 14th general election (GE14), it is natural to construe the statement as an election plea of the community.
That joint statement, issued in Mandarin, contained 18 appeals to the Government to correct policy decisions. The first two – and most pressing on the list – were linked to race and religion.
The five groups urged the Government to promote moderation and social harmony. They appealed to the Government and opposition politicians not to fan emotions or incite racial anger.
“Individuals or organisations who/which express extremist views and issue insensitive statements should be severely punished,” said the statement.
“The Government should uphold religious freedom and the rights of all Malaysians under the Federal Constitution,” it added.
There was no elaboration but it is understood that recent happenings had caused anxiety to not only the Chinese but non-Chinese as well.
One of these is the move to stop non-Muslims from holding a beer festival.
“These developments are disturbing. They affect the stability of society. This is why we must speak up as a collective voice now,” says Pheng.
In fact, on that same day, the Malay Rulers also voiced their concerns over issues of unity and harmony.
As for Budget 2018 which will be tabled on Oct 27, the five organisations called on the Government to lower personal and corporate income taxes, and review the harsh action taken against tax defaulters.
On Chinese education, the Education Ministry is urged to resolve outstanding issues and to come up with a plan to solve teachers’ shortage in Chinese schools.
As in past appeals, the Government is asked to recognise the Unified Examinations Certificate issued by Dong Zong, allowing the certificate holders to enter public universities and become civil servants.
On culture, the groups want the Government to gazette cemetery, temples and heritages, and preserve artefacts that have historical value.
It is learnt that the group will seek to meet with Prime Minister Datuk Seri Najib Tun Razak once they have drafted a memorandum on issues that had impacted the community and the country.
It is learnt that these Chinese community leaders had also discussed issues concerning GE14.
The prevalent topic among them is: Who should they support? Barisan Nasional or Pakatan Harapan?
“I dare say most of the leading Chinese community leaders I know support the BN. There is simply no other choice if you look at the political landscape. But as a matter of policy, we cannot state our stand publicly,” one community leader tells Sunday Star after the meeting.
While Chinese leaders have ruled out supporting PAS due to the hudud Bill, many of them felt that Pakatan is not ready to take over Putrajaya.
There is fear among Chinese community leaders that if MCA and Gerakan were to perform badly in GE14, Najib as Barisan president might invite PAS to join the coalition and the Government.
“The Chinese want political stability. As the opposition is too weak, it is not an alternative to BN,” says an observer.
Although community leaders are well aware of the criticisms against Barisan, in particular the controversies linked to 1MDB, they believe the Prime Minister should be given another chance to lead the country.
“We have discussed all the pros and cons. But like the huge forex losses incurred during Tun Dr Mahathir Mohamad’s time, we have to let the memory of the RM2.6bil go. We have to look forward and work for a better tomorrow,” adds the observer who is close to Chinese tycoons.
In fact, many Chinese leaders conclude that Najib has been “quite fair” to the Chinese, who account for 26% of the population.
Pheng says: “We have to look at the PM in totality. He has his weaknesses but as PM, his policies have been fair to the Chinese community. Tell me which prime minister has given so much allocations to the community and Chinese education?”
He cites how Najib had given RM8mil for the construction of the RM100mil Wisma Hua Zong, approved the building of Kuantan Chinese Independent High School and Foon Yew High School’s third campus.
When Najib was Education Minister during 1995-2000, he had promised the community that the Government would never close any Chinese primary school, Pheng recalls.
Pheng is open about his support for the PM. In fact, Hua Zong is organising a national conference of Chinese youths on Oct 21 and the keynote speaker is none other than Najib.
For the business community, the PM has won praises for bringing in Chinese investments.
Despite opposition from those who view Chinese investments with suspicion, Najib has gone ahead to engage with China on the Belt and Road initiative to bring in much-needed investments.
The Belt and Road project is providing a once-in-a lifetime opportunity for Malaysian businessmen to enter a new frontier. Citi Research estimates that Beijing will pour RM400bil into local ports and railway construction that will boost trade and investments.
This China factor has somewhat revived confidence in the economy when Western investors shun Malaysia due to the 1MDB and other controversies. But the positive change in attitude of top Chinese leaders towards Najib is not announced openly as the senti- ment on the ground may be different.
Pheng admits that “we will get a scolding if we tell the people, especially the young ones, what we think or urge them to support the Government.”
In the 2013 general election, only 13.5% Chinese voters supported the Government.
MCA and Gerakan leaders believe that Barisan could garner 30% support in GE14.
The dilemma for the Chinese now, though on a smaller scale, is quite similar to the situation before the general election in 1999.
After Dr Mahathir sacked Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim from Umno and his Cabinet in September 1998, the country plunged into political turmoil with huge demonstrations calling for reforms.
Fearing political instability and the Chinese being made scapegoats, leaders from various guilds held a secret gathering and resolved that the community should support Dr Mahathir to win the 1999 election.
“Many of us do not like Mahathir’s policies but in the interest of the community, we have to put aside our personal preferences. This is our dilemma,” an anti-Mahathir educationist told this writer then.
Compared to the last general election, there is now a visible change in attitude among politically-savvy Chinese businessmen. They seem to be leaning more towards Barisan this time.
“While we dislike corruption and scandals, we note that this happens everywhere. There is no perfect government and politicians. As our Government is business-friendly and the Chinese can still earn a decent living here, I don’t see a Chinese tsunami this round,” says a former ACCCIM leader.
The willingness of Najib, as well other ministers, to meet with Chinese leaders regularly appear to have a positive impact on the community.
But these leaders are aware that they only make up a small number of the Chinese electorate.
Whether their views can influence the grassroots leaders and those on the ground is a big question. And the answer is found only in the ballot boxes.
These developments (in race and religion) are disturbing. They affect the stability of society. This is why we must speak up as a collective voice now.
Tan Sri Pheng Yin Huah