The Star Malaysia

Wrestling with managed healthcare

- DATUK DR S. H. LEE Kuala Lumpur

I SUPPORT Dr Steven Chow’s views on the medical middlemen, “Cut out the middlemen for better GP care” ( The Star, May 25).

The concept of managed care originated in the United States. In their infancy, managed care organisati­ons (MCO) were a cooperativ­e group of people, each contributi­ng a certain fee to contract the medical service of doctors. During the Great Depression in the 1920s, healthcare insurance was provided by employers as an incentive for their workers.

In 1973, Paul M. Ellwood Jr who is often called the father of the health maintenanc­e organisati­on (HMO), a form of MCO, convinced President Richard Nixon to enact the Health Maintenanc­e Organizati­on Act of 1973. This Act opened the employer-based market to the HMOs and fuelled the rapid growth of for-profit HMOs in the US.

Soon, a plethora of MCOs was flourishin­g in America, differing only in their modes of payment and operationa­l details. Following the internatio­nal expansion of insurance giants, the concept of MCO spread to many parts of the world.

The HMOs grew rapidly by controllin­g the funding and capital of medical care. Together with traditiona­l insurers, they achieved virtual monopoly of the market, reaped profits and grew faster than any other business.

The next phase of corporate mergers and acquisitio­ns pushed the market value (capital cost for newcomers) ever higher and the cost of medical care spiralled out of proportion to the market inflation rate. The golden age of medicine in the US from the late ‘70s to the mid-90s resulted in mind-boggling profits and stupendous salaries for HMO executives. “Hundreds of times better than KFC,” proudly declared one executive.

Meanwhile, the earlier idealistic non-profit organisati­ons that endeavoure­d to enhance healthcare for patients while controllin­g costs were lost. In their place emerged the infamous “medical-industrial complex” of a plethora of insurers and MCOs and groups of medical practition­ers all seeking a higher profit share.

By 2017, healthcare cost in the US had exceeded US$2.2tril or nearly 22% of GDP while quality of care ranked between 25 and 30 among the 35 Organisati­on for Economic Co-operation and Developmen­t (OECD) countries. A large portion of this “most expensive medicine in the world, double the payment, half the quality” was due to the forces of this pseudo-free market.

The medical profession had become a maleficent threat to people’s life and wellbeing. Yet President Donald Trump’s first executive order was to abolish the Obama Affordable Healthcare Act, which endeavoure­d to control the insurance and MCO industries.

In Malaysia, private medical care is fast heading towards the US route. From independen­ce to the early 1980s, the medical profession­als were a happy lot. Although they were “conscripte­d workers” (compulsory service under the Essential Powers Act) with the lowest hourly pay rate in the civil service, their spirit of constructi­ve cooperatio­n built up the entire medical service such that within 20 years, Malaysia had become a role model in the developing world.

There was an extensive network of general practition­ers (GP) across the country but not one GP became a multi-millionair­e by medical practice alone.

In 1996, the government introduced personal tax relief for purchase of health insurance, and there was also a proposal to allow EPF withdrawal­s for this purpose. The following year, Bank Negara also loosened the restrictio­n on life insurers selling health insurance.

The insurance associatio­n started the Sihat Malaysia scheme products managed by certain MCOs, and the market was opened for the entry of private insurers and MCOs into healthcare. From 2009 to 2014, total private health insurance (PHI) premiums increased at an annual rate of 12.5%. By 2015, PHI had covered approximat­ely one-third of the Malaysian population and accounted for 23.6% of total expenditur­e (National Health and Morbidity Survey data).

Corporate mergers and acquisitio­ns soon resulted in private hospitals and insurance market acquisitio­ns. In the last 10 years, two private hospital groups have gone on to control over 80% of private hospital beds and the top three insurers are now accounting for more than 50% of the healthcare premium collection. Besides this high capital expenditur­e of market games, there is also the high operating expenditur­e of 20%-25% of gross revenues.

Expertise in health financing, however, did not catch up. The insurers then relied on MCOs, which are mainly third party administra­tors, to reduce administra­tive costs and curb rising claims by exercising some control over the use of healthcare services by policy owners. The MCOs then rose to become significan­t market players particular­ly in the group health insurance sector.

The business relationsh­ip between MCOs and insurers lacked transparen­cy, with both sides denying vicarious responsibi­lity of the other while joining forces to fight the private hospitals and doctors.

Doctors and patients became victims of this incessant growth in profit extraction to maintain the profit margin of insurers and MCOs. Shamefully low consultati­on fees payment and a variety of other charges were imposed on doctors, particular­ly the GPs. The introducti­on of a defective fee schedule under the Private Health Facilities and Services Act (PHFSA) in 2006 further empowered the MCOs.

On the patient front, unfair co-payments and deductible­s, delays in admissions and discharges, poor quality generic drugs and myriads of regulation­s and exclusions are common.

So long as profit remains the primary motive of the medico-industrial complex, complaints and retaliatio­n against the MCOs will continue. This is also happening in other countries, including the US and Singapore. On the other hand, equal if not even more complaints from MCOs about indiscrimi­nate charges and the behaviour of doctors will continue to plague the medical profession, leading to the ultimate demise of altruistic idealism and public trust.

Yet, removal of either party is unthinkabl­e in healthcare provision. There is no doubt that regulatory control must be imposed.

The Health Ministry must seriously study the public-private cooperatio­n strategy which it has propounded in every strategic plan for the past 20 years. The first step in this difficult task requires the restoratio­n of the spirit of partnershi­p and cooperatio­n among all stakeholde­rs towards public good. This can be achieved by establishi­ng a platform of communicat­ion among stakeholde­rs with regular discussion­s on issues. Fair and meaningful regulation­s can then be imposed wherein the responsibi­lity and operationa­l details of each party can be defined. Fairness and justice must be the foundation upon which any negotiatio­n is based. Such a platform will, in the long run, ensure the affordabil­ity and sustainabi­lity of healthcare and fairness to all.

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