Post-ge15 challenges and opportunities

The new PM will have to face the statesman’s challenge of providing leadership, but there is hope for the future if we are prepared to learn from the past.

FOR the fourth time since 2018, Malaysia has demonstrated to the world that a peaceful transfer of power is possible despite the ferment and foment of multi-party elections.

The Election Commission is to be congratulated for its professionalism and integrity in facilitating democracy’s iconic electoral exercise. The police and the Armed Forces worked closely to maintain law and order.

His Majesty the Yang di-pertuan Agong, with the wise counsel of his brother Rulers, steered the rocking ship of state through turbulent waters with skill and wisdom. Constitutional historians will record this challenging period as part of his enduring legacy.

Almost 74% of the electorate turned up to exercise their democratic right. Regrettably, the result was a “hung parliament” in which no person, party or coalition commanded an absolute majority of 112/222 seats. (Voting for Kedah’s Padang Serai parliamentary seat was postponed following the sudden death of one of the candidates.)

Hung parliaments arouse a mixed reaction among political commentators. The absence of an absolute majority creates a political impasse about who should be the prime minister.

In the exercise of his constitutional powers under Articles 43(2) and 40(2), the Monarch is unwillingly drawn into the vortex of politics. Whoever forms the next wobbly government is under constant threat of removal by acts of political betrayal.

Other commentators point out that hung parliaments are, ironically, an indication of a free and fair electoral contest, and are well known to mature democracies.

Malaysia is fretting unnecessarily because we are so conditioned to a political behemoth towering over all others. In many other democracies, the challenge of a hung parliament is easily overcome and the advantages are enjoyed.

The advantages are that hung parliaments require political, legal, social and economic compromises, which moderate the extremist policies of the various factions in parliament. A better check and balance ensues than in a parliament in which an all-powerful government enjoys a mammoth two-thirds or three-fourth majority.

Whatever one’s view of hung parliaments may be, the stark reality is that Datuk Seri Anwar Ibrahim is inheriting a broken, disunited and economically distraught nation riddled with multiple problems. But there is hope for the future if we are prepared to learn from the past.

For five decades after independence, Malaysia was regarded by much of Asia and Africa as an exemplar of a society in which peace, prosperity, democracy and development flourished. With all its flaws, Malaysia’s Constitution was a masterpiece of compromise, compassion and moderation. It sought to be inclusive and to promote unity in diversity.

We have had 65 years of peace, stability and prosperity with only a few dark episodes. There have been no threats of coup d’etats. No religion, region or race is at war with the central government. The dazzling diversity of the nation is permitted and even celebrated. Other than fringe groups of hate mongers, we are a nation of many colours.

In the human rights arena, political and civil liberties were always under stringent state control due to nearly 48 years of emergency rule and many tough security and emergency laws from the communist subversion days. However, socio-economic rights were well protected.

In many areas, like primary and secondary education, medical care, women’s emancipation and poverty eradication, Malaysia was doing very well. All in all, the country offered everyone a chance for upward mobility. Of course, there were unmet needs because the quest for justice is a journey, not a destination.

In the last three decades, however, the social fabric has come under severe strain. Constitutionalism faces threats from many quarters. The check and balance among the organs of the state has broken down. Corruption and looting of public revenues have become widespread and are regarded by many as natural.

Hooligan politics, hate speech, religious extremism and even enforced disappearances have marred our landscape. Race and religious polarisation is endemic and growing. Blatant misuse of religion and race to incite hatred is not uncommon.

In many areas of governance, economy, law, education and social life, decisions are made or thwarted by powerful elements who constitute a “state within a state”.

In addition to the above challenges, the new PM will have to face the statesman’s challenge of providing leadership to what some say will be essentially a “minority” government. Others brand it as a “unity” government in a “grand coalition”.

Whatever it is, Anwar will have the ambitious task of reconciling the irreconcilable.

On a positive note, if anyone can do it, he can. With all his flaws, he is the leader best prepared for this historical moment. He has known adversity and he is better qualified than most to convert dares into doors and adversities into opportunities.

As hope and prayer, this column wishes that Anwar will set high standards of governance for himself and his Cabinet. Integrity must begin at the top.

Despite the imperatives of coalition politics, a bloated Cabinet is not what the nation needs. The PM may note that in our Federation, every State Constitution prescribes a modest limit of eight to 10 for its Executive Council. At the federal level, 15% of the number of MPS appears a workable proportion.

We hope the new PM will surround himself with a good team and unlock the potential in others. He may also wish to listen to advisory councils of technocrats and intellectuals for specific areas. This American-style innovation need not burden the taxpayer. The country is rich with people of patriotism who will advise committees free of cost.

The woes of the poor and marginalised cannot be remedied if a large chunk of the budget allocated for economic or educational development is abused for political patronage or is siphoned off by grossly overpriced contracts, kickbacks and cunning schemes. Unless corruption is tackled vigorously and with equal harassment, the economy may not improve and foreign investment may continue to leave our shores.

There are many fractured national institutions that require repair and reform. Parliament is one of them. A Law Reform Commission is needed to point out the other shortcomings or voids in our legal, political, economic and educational system. Primary and secondary education have long lost its lustre and does not arouse confidence.

Race relations are deteriorating. At home and in schools, our kids are being taught to hate and not to love. A multi-pronged approach is needed to reverse this trend. It is not too late. It is never too late.

Besides using the law and the education system as instruments of social control, the police and the Attorney General’s office must be prompt and impartial in enforcing the law against hate mongers who manufacture threats from imaginary enemies and whip up “ethnopopulism and jingoist nationalism” to arouse distrust of “others”.

Our leaders as well as citizens must take a stand against such gutter politics and primordial tendencies. We all must promote respect and moderation. We must condemn hate speech and hate crimes promptly, strongly, publicly and consistently.

Despite the political benefits of identity politics, on matters of race and religious relations, leaders of substance should not follow opinion polls. American author Max Lucado reminds us that “a man who wants to lead the orchestra must turn his back on the crowd”.