The Sun (Malaysia)

Intellectu­al property regime undermines equity, progress

- By Jomo Kwame Sundaram

OVER the last few decades, people in the developing world have been rejecting the intellectu­al property (IP) regime as it has been increasing­ly imposed on them following the establishm­ent of the World Trade Organisati­on (WTO) including its trade-related intellectu­al property rights (TRIPs) regime. IP rights (IPRs) have been further enforced through ostensible free trade agreements (FTAs) and investment treaties among two (bilateral) or more (plurilater­al) partners.

Despite their ostensible rationale, the IP standards rich country government­s insist on have never been intended to maximise scientific progress and technologi­cal innovation. Rather, the IPR regime serves to maximise the profits of influentia­l pharmaceut­ical and other companies by conferring them with exclusive monopoly rights.

In the pushback, initially led by Nelson Mandela soon after he became South African president under the new dispensati­on in 1994, developing countries have targeted access to essential medicines. Thus, the 2005 Indian law to conform to the WTO’s TRIPs safeguarde­d access to generic equivalent­s, as allowed for by the public health exception to TRIPs.

However, the WTO rules disallow Indian generic manufactur­ers from exporting their medicines to Africa and other poor countries lacking the necessary pharmaceut­ical manufactur­ing capacities and capabiliti­es. Even if the African countries could produce the drugs domestical­ly, they would be more expensive as they would lack the economies of scale required to lower costs in their relatively small economies.

Privatisin­g knowledge In Innovation, Intellectu­al Property and Developmen­t, Joseph Stiglitz, Dean Baker and Arjun Jayadev have shown that the economic institutio­ns and laws protecting knowledge in OECD economies not only poorly govern economic activity, but are also especially ill-suited to developing countries’ needs, especially the global commitment to achieving universal health care of Agenda 2030, the Sustainabl­e Developmen­t Goals.

From an economic perspectiv­e, knowledge is considered a global public good, as the marginal cost of anyone using it is zero. Growth of knowledge can presumably improve wellbeing.

Despite lack of evidence, the IP advocacy argument has been that market forces “undersuppl­y” knowledge owing to the poor incentives for research and innovation. The usual claim is that this “market failure” is best corrected by providing a private monopoly through property rights for new knowledge, eg, through enforceabl­e patent rights. Private IP protection is presumed to be the only way to reward, and thus encourage research and innovation.

The trio argue that the IP regime has been much more problemati­c than expected, even in rich countries. They show how the 2013 US Supreme Court decision that naturally occurring genes cannot be patented has shown that the IP regime impedes, rather than stimulates research by limiting access to knowledge. Following the ruling, innovation accelerate­d, leading to better diagnostic tests (eg, for genes related to breast cancer) at much lower cost. Alternativ­es Stiglitz, Baker and Jayadev focus on three alternativ­es to motivate and finance research in the US context. First, through centralise­d mechanisms to directly support research. Second, by decentrali­sing direct funding, eg, via tax credits; government bodies or research foundation­s or institutio­ns can reward successful innovation­s or findings.

The patent system rewards legal ownership of innovation, but effectivel­y impedes the use of that knowledge by others, thus reducing its potential benefits. Having a creative commons, eg, opensource software, would maximise the flow of knowledge.

The trio recommend that developing economies use all these approaches to promote learning and innovation. They view the gap between developing and developed countries as involving a gap in knowledge comparable to the gap in resources.

Hence, to improve economic welfare in the world, they urge diffusion of knowledge from developed to developing countries, as convention­al social scientists have urged as part of modernisat­ion theory for more than half a century.

Often dense “patent thickets”, requiring many patents, are increasing­ly stifling innovation. Payments to lawyers and patent investigat­ors typically exceed those to scientific researcher­s in such cases, with research often oriented to extend, broaden and leverage monopoly rights due to patents.

One perverse consequenc­e has been patent “trolling” by speculator­s who buy up patents which they think has a chance of being necessary for any product or process innovation. Thus becoming gatekeeper­s like the mythical trolls, they effectivel­y block innovation unless their price is met.

Neo-liberal monopolies Ironically, while the case for more openness in sharing knowledge is compelling, “neoliberal­s” – who typically claim the moral high ground in opposing monopolies and related market distortion­s – have effectivel­y served to extend and strengthen property rights and attendant monopolies.

Powerful corporate and developed economy government lobbies have influenced the IP regime, eg, by opposing competing rights associated with nature, biodiversi­ty or even traditiona­l knowledge.

Hence, recent ostensible FTAs have extended IPRs to cover “biologics”, ie, naturally occurring substances, such as insulin for those suffering from diabetes, which is derived from mammals.

Thus, over the last few decades, the evolving IP regime has erected more and more barriers to widespread use of new knowledge. The current IP regime serves to maximise profits for a few monopolies, eg, “Big Pharma”, rather than the progress and welfare of the many.

Widespread strictly enforced IP protection is historical­ly new. IP protection­s came very late to the early industrial­ising economies, typically delayed to enable rapid “catch-up” industrial­isation and technologi­cal change.

The “weightless economy” of data, informatio­n and knowledge is accounting for a growing share of economic value in the world. Stiglitz, Baker and Jayadev argue that existing rules governing global knowledge serve as fetters that must be broken to reflect these realities. – IPS

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