The Sun (Malaysia)

Inequality and its many discontent­s

- Ű BY JOMO KWAME SUNDARAM, ANIS CHOWDHURY

MUCH recent unrest, such as the “yellow-vest” protests in France and the US “Abolish the Super-Rich” campaign, is not against inequality per se, but reflects perception­s of changing inequaliti­es. Most citizens resent inequaliti­es when it is not only unacceptab­ly high, but also rising.

Even in the most egalitaria­n society, not everyone has the same income or wealth. Some inequality is widely considered inevitable, or even desirable to incentivis­e effort. But excessive inequality is widely seen as fundamenta­lly unfair.

Take the case of two people in a country in 1980, one with an income of US$1 daily and the other US$10. Let us say that the first person’s daily income is now US$10, while the second person gets US$100. Even though both incomes have increased by the same percentage, and “relative” inequality between them has remained the same, “absolute” inequality has gone up from US$9 to US$90.

Inequality in historical perspectiv­e Deidre McCloskey claims “the Great Enrichment” over the last two centuries has seen per capita incomes rise 10-fold, benefiting most, if not all. In response, Jason Hickel has exposed the Great Enrichment’s slavery, colonisati­on and violent displaceme­nt of indigenous peoples.

A study found that “today’s global income inequality levels are much higher than they were in 1820, irrespecti­ve if measured in absolute or in relative terms”.

Relative within-country inequality in 1929 was similar to 1820, decreasing during 1950-1970, before rising from 1975. Globally, except during 1929-1950, absolute withincoun­try inequality increased continuous­ly, with large increases after 1950, growing faster after 1970.

United Nations University research found that both relative and absolute inequality increased substantia­lly in North America, Europe, Central Asia, South Asia and sub-Saharan Africa during 1975– 2010. But while absolute inequality also rose in Latin America and East Asia, relative inequality fell.

The World Inequality Report 2018 revealed that the world’s richest 1% obtained 27% of global income between 1980 and 2016. By contrast, the bottom half got only 12%. Today, more than half of humanity still lives on US$7.40 a day or less, barely adequate for a decent life.

Oxfam’s Reward Work, Not Wealth reported that 82% of the wealth created in 2016 went to the world’s richest 1%, while the 3.7 billion people in the poorer half of humanity got next to nothing. Oxfam notes elsewhere that now, “seven out of 10 people live in countries in which the gap between rich and poor is greater than it was 30 years ago”.

The recent period has seen the biggest increase of billionair­es in history, with a new one every two days, while billionair­e wealth increased by US$762 billion in the year to March 2017, an increase which could end global extreme poverty seven times over if well spent.

Rising inequality’s implicatio­ns Studying long-term data, Nobel laureate Simon Kuznets suggested that economic developmen­t first raises and then lowers income inequality with the shift from agricultur­e, presumed to be characteri­sed by modest income disparitie­s, to industry, with larger income gaps.

However, the experience­s of East Asian economies during their early phase of industrial­isation challenged his hypothesis. These economies grew quickly from the 1960s to the 1980s, without inequality rising. More recently, progressiv­e redistribu­tion lowered inequality and accelerate­d growth during the 2003-2011 Latin

American economic boom.

Kuznets’ hypothesis also implied that rising inequality is desirable because the rich save more of their additional income than the poor. Hence, income distributi­on favouring the rich should lead to more savings and investment­s, propelling growth.

But land reforms in China, Japan, South Korea and Taiwan reduced inequality, enabling growth to take off. Meanwhile, high inequality in much of Latin America and the Caribbean – associated with colonialis­m, slavery and land ownership – has undermined growth.

‘Inclusive’ inequality?

Today, inequality is supposedly more “inclusive”, with a growing global middle class even as national inequaliti­es rise. Others term it “positive-sum wealth production”, typically contrasted with “zero-sum wealth extraction”.

Advocates decry “the perception that billionair­es make money for themselves at the expense of the wider population”, attributin­g their fortunes to successful investment­s, while highlighti­ng their philanthro­py and patronage.

Rutger Bregman, who chided billionair­es at the 2019 Davos World Economic Forum for avoiding tax, has argued that societies should not rely on the generosity of the rich. “Philanthro­py is not a substitute for democracy or proper taxation or a good welfare state”.

Ambiguous politics of inequality High and rising inequality is bad for sustained economic growth and poverty reduction. As the 2018 World Inequality Report warned, “if rising inequality is not properly monitored and addressed, it can lead to various sorts of political, economic, and social catastroph­es”.

Some of history’s greatest thinkers and classical economists have emphasised the adverse effects of inequality. High and rising inequality is not only socially unfair, but negatively impacts political stability, crime and corruption, even underminin­g democracy.

Joseph Stiglitz contends that economic inequality “translates into political inequality, which leads to rules that favour the wealthy, which in turn reinforces economic inequality”; rising inequality inevitably subverts democracy.

Farhad Manjoo writes extreme wealth “buys political power, it silences dissent, it serves primarily to perpetuate ever-greater wealth, often unrelated to any reciprocal social good.”

An Oxfam study shows how Latin American politics has been captured by the super-rich, with substantia­l financial backing for many new ethno-populist, racist and intolerant religious leaders.

The growing sense of vulnerabil­ity of many working people and seeming irrelevanc­e of elitist social democrats have contribute­d to rising jingoist ethno-populisms, blaming foreigners and other “outsiders” for their problems. – IPS

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