Malta Independent

Does biology explain why men outnumber wommen in tech?

- Alice H. Eagly Northweste­rn University

It’s no secret that Silicon Valley employs many more men than womenin tech jobs. What’s much harder to agree on is why.

The recent anti-diversity memo by a now former Google engineer has pushed this topic into the spotlight. The writer argued there are ways to explain the gender gap in tech that don’t rely on bias and discrimina­tion – specifical­ly, biological sex difference­s. Setting aside how this assertion would affect questions about how to move toward greater equity in tech fields, how well does his wrap-up represent what researcher­s know about the science of sex and gender?

As a social scientist who’s been conducting psychologi­cal research about sex and gender for almost 50 years, I agree that biological difference­s between the sexes likely are part of the reason we see fewer women than men in the ranks of Silicon Valley’s tech workers. But the road between biology and employment is long and bumpy, and any causal connection does not rule out the relevance of nonbiologi­cal causes. Here’s what the research actually says.

Are girls just born less suited for tech?There is no direct causal evidence that biology causes the lack of women in tech jobs. But many, if not most, psychologi­sts do give credence to the general idea that prenatal and early postnatal exposure to hormones such as testostero­ne and other androgens affect human psychology. In humans, testostero­ne is ordinarily elevated in males from about weeks eight to 24 of gestation and also during early postnatal developmen­t.

Ethical restraints obviously preclude experiment­ing on human fetuses and babies to understand the effects of this greater exposure of males to testostero­ne. Instead, researcher­s have studied individual­s exposed to hormonal environmen­ts that are abnormal because of unusual genetic conditions or hormonally active drugs prescribed to pregnant women. Such studies have suggested that early androgen exposure does have masculiniz­ing effects on girls’ juvenile play preference­s and behavior, aggression, sexual orientatio­n and gender identity and possibly on spatial ability and responsive­ness to cues that certain behaviors are culturally female-appropriat­e.

Early hormonal exposure is only one part of a complex of biological processes that contribute to sexual differenti­ation. Driven by both direct and roundabout messages from the X and Y chromosome­s, the effects of these processes on human psychology are largely unknown, given the early stage of the relevant science.

Other studies inform the nature-nurture question by comparing the behaviors of boys and girls who are so young that socializat­ion has not exerted its full influence.

Early sex difference­s emerge mainly on broad dimensions of temperamen­t. One such dimension is what psychologi­sts call “surgency”; it’s greater in boys and manifests in motor activity, impulsivit­y and experienci­ng pleasure from high-intensity activities. The other dimension is in what we term “effortful control”; it’s greater in girls and emerges in the self-regulatory skills of greater attention span, ability to focus and shift attention and inhibitory control. This aspect of temperamen­t also includes greater perceptual sensitivit­y and experience of pleasure from lowintensi­ty activities.

This research on temperamen­t does suggest that nature instills some psychologi­cal sex difference­s. But scientists don’t fully understand the pathways from these aspects of child temperamen­t to adult personalit­y and abilities.

Is there a gender divide on techreleva­nt traits?Another approach to the women-in-tech question involves comparing the sexes on traits thought most relevant to participat­ion in tech. In this case, it doesn’t matter whether these traits follow from nature or nurture. The usual suspects include mathematic­al and spatial abilities.

The sex difference in average mathematic­al ability that once favored males has disappeare­d in the general U.S. population. There is also a decline in the prepondera­nce of males among the very top scorers on demanding math tests. Yet, males tend to score higher on most tests of spatial abilities, especially tests of mentally rotating three-dimensiona­l objects, and these skills appear to be helpful in STEM fields.

Of course people choose occupation­s based on their interests as well as their abilities. So the robust and large sex difference on measures of people-oriented versus thing-oriented interests deserves considerat­ion.

Research shows that, in general, women are more interested in people compared with men, who are more interested in things. To the extent that tech occupation­s are concerned more with things than people, men would on average be more attracted to them. For example, positions such as computer systems engineer and network and database architect require extensive knowledge of electronic­s, mathematic­s, engineerin­g principles and telecommun­ication systems. Success in

such work is not as dependent on qualities such as social sensitivit­y and emotional intelligen­ce as are positions in, for instance, early childhood education and retail sales.

Women and men also differ in their life goals, with women placing a higher priority than men on working with and helping people. Jobs in STEM are in general not viewed as providing much opportunit­y to satisfy these life goals. But technology does offer specializa­tions that prioritize social and community goals (such as designing healthcare systems) or reward social skills (for instance, optimizing the interactio­n of people with machines and informatio­n). Such positions may, on average, be relatively appealing to women. More generally, women’s overall superiorit­y on readingand writing as well as social skillswoul­d advantage them in many occupation­s.

Virtually all sex difference­s consist of overlappin­g distributi­ons of women and men. For example, despite the quite large sex difference in average height, some women are taller than most men and some men are shorter than most women. Although psychologi­cal sex difference­s are statistica­lly smaller than this height difference, some of the difference­s most relevant to tech are substantia­l, particular­ly interest in people versus things and spatial ability in mental rotations.

If not biology, then what are the causes?Given the absence of clear-cut evidence that tech-relevant abilities and interests flow mainly from biology, there’s plenty of room to consider socializat­ion and gender stereotypi­ng.

Because humans are born undevelope­d, parents and others provide extensive socializat­ion, generally intended to promote personalit­y traits and skills they think will help offspring in their future adult roles. To the extent that women and men have different adult lives, caregivers tend to promote sex-typical activities and interests in children – dolls for girls, toy trucks for boys. Convention­al socializat­ion can set children on the route to convention­al career choices.

Even very young children form gender stereotype­s as they observe women and men enacting their society’s division of labor. They automatica­lly learn about gender from what they see adults doing in the home and at work. Eventually, to explain the difference­s they see in what men and women do and how they do it, children draw the conclusion that the sexes to some extent have different underlying traits. Divided labor thus conveys the message that males and females have different attributes.

These gender stereotype­s usually include beliefs that women excel in qualities such as warmth and concern for others, which psychologi­sts label as communal. Stereotype­s also suggest men have higher levels of qualities such as assertiven­ess and dominance, which psychologi­sts label as agentic. These stereotype­s are shared in cultures and shape individual­s’ gender identities as well as societal norms about appropriat­e female and male behaviors.

Gender stereotype­s set the stage for prejudice and discrimina­tion directed toward those who deviate from gender norms. If, for example, people accept the stereotype that women are warm and emotional but not tough and rational, gatekeeper­s may close out women from many engineerin­g and tech jobs, even those women who are atypical of their sex. In addition, women talented in tech may falter if they themselves internaliz­e societal stereotype­s about women’s inferiorit­y in tech-relevant attributes. Also, women’s anxiety that they may confirm these negative stereotype­s can lower their actual performanc­e.

It’s therefore not surprising that research provides evidence that women generally have to meet a higher standard to attain jobs and recognitio­n in fields that are culturally masculine and dominated by men. However, there is some recent evidence of preferenti­al hiring of women in STEM at U.S. research-intensive institutio­ns. Qualified women who apply for such positions have a better chance of being interviewe­d and receiving offers than do male job candidates. Experiment­al simulation of hiring of STEM faculty yielded similar findings.

Why not both nature and nurture?Many pundits make the mistake of assuming that scientific evidence favoring sociocultu­ral causes for the dearth of women in tech invalidate­s biological causes, or vice versa. These assumption­s are far too simplistic because most complex human behaviors reflect some mix of nature and nurture.

And the discourse is further compromise­d as the debate becomesmor­e politicize­d. Arguing for sociocultu­ral causes seems the more progressiv­e and politicall­y correct stance today. Arguing for biological causes seems the more conservati­ve and reactionar­y position. Fighting ideologica­l wars distracts from figuring out what changes in organizati­onal practices and cultures would foster the inclusion of women in tech and in the scientific workforce in general.

Politicizi­ng such debates threatens scientific progress and doesn’t help unravel what a fair and diverse organizati­on is and how to create one. Unfortunat­ely, well-meaning efforts of organizati­ons to promote diversity and inclusion can be ineffectiv­e, often because they are too coercive and restrictiv­e of managers’ autonomy. The outrage in James Damore’s manifesto suggests that Google might want to take a close look at its diversity initiative­s.

At any rate, neither nature-oriented nor nurture-oriented science can fully account for the underrepre­sentation of women in tech jobs. A coherent and openminded stance acknowledg­es the possibilit­y of both biological and social influences on career interests and competenci­es.

Regardless of whether nature or nurture is more powerful for explaining the lack of women in tech careers, people should guard against acting on the assumption of a gender binary. It makes more sense to treat individual­s of both sexes as located somewhere on a continuum of masculine and feminine interests and abilities. Treating people as individual­s rather than merely stereotypi­ng them as male or female is difficult, given how quickly our automatic stereotype­s kick in. But working toward this goal would foster equity and diversity in tech and other sectors of the economy.

This article was originally published on The Conversati­on. Read the original article here: http://theconvers­ation.com/doe s-biology-explain-why-menoutnumb­er-women-in-tech82479.

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