The Malta Independent on Sunday

A forlorn promise?

In more than one local media outlet last year, it was aptly pointed out that the constituti­onal reform the presidency has been spearheadi­ng for some time does not seem to be heading anywhere or, even worse, able to take off.

- MARK SAID Dr Mark Said is a lawyer

“If we ever come down to reforming our constituti­on many questions will arise, relating both to the process as well as the content.”

Indeed, despite having a Committee for Constituti­onal Reform set up way back towards the end of 2018, comprising representa­tives nominated by the two main parties, to date, we have not seen any tangible progress registered. Not only, but there might also be the need to revamp and update the public consultati­on process that had been conducted throughout three months due to this unreasonab­le lapse of time during which several pressing additional constituti­onal issues have emerged.

Undoubtedl­y, ever since, the concept of good governance and the necessary safeguards have consistent­ly and continuall­y been on everyone’s lips. Constituti­onal reform can be a vital tool to promote good governance by changing the rules to promote more accountabi­lity, transparen­cy, participat­ion and predictabi­lity. A constituti­on defines and protects citizens’ rights from government­al abuse. It also limits and balances government powers vis-à-vis other players and institutio­ns, thereby safeguardi­ng minority rights.

The constituti­on is the touchstone for the legality of all other laws and the basis for reviewing executive and legislativ­e actions. Constituti­onal reform is the process of reconstruc­ting the constituti­on and the laws it governs through public consultati­on and negotiatio­n.

Now, more than ever, one can feel the urgency of a two-fold nexus between constituti­onal reform and good governance. The first lies in the very process of drafting the constituti­onal document. The more inclusive, participat­ory and transparen­t that process is, the more likely will the political order be seen as legitimate, and a political culture will emerge that fosters the four good governance criteria. The other is through constituti­onal choices. Constituti­onal reform demands that critical institutio­nal choices be made in such broad areas as a form of government, electoral law, degree of centraliza­tion, and judicial and quasi-judicial agencies, to name only a few.

The outcome is that the constituti­on becomes the cornerston­e of a country’s governance system. It stipulates where power lies within the state, what the institutio­ns of government are and how they are intended to operate. Good governance emerges from its structural provisions, such as the separation of powers and statement of explicit rights that guard against authoritar­ian control. As the highest legal norm within the hierarchy of norms, the constituti­on also becomes a reference point for the legality of administra­tive and legislativ­e actions. In sum, constituti­onal reform ultimately embodies governance reform.

It is about time that an informed debate about any intended constituti­onal reform takes place. This would serve to have a better idea of specific reform proposals with the benefit of being able to advocate better legislativ­e standards and oppose ill-considered, piecemeal change. For example, despite appearance­s pointing to the contrary, one should delve deeper and consider the nature of the government’s power and its relationsh­ip with the institutio­ns responsibl­e for reviewing and checking its actions, in particular, the Parliament and the judiciary.

The question will have to be posed as to whether the power of the executive has been enhanced in worrying ways under the present government. Could it be that there is a growing emphasis on the role of the executive that might lead to some heterodox constituti­onal claims, such as the suggestion that the government has a free-standing mandate from the people, because of its extraordin­ary majority in Parliament, to deliver its manifesto?

If we ever come down to reforming our constituti­on many questions will arise, relating both to the process as well as the content. Typical, though far from the only, questions are the following: Should the constituti­on be amended or completely rewritten? Who will draft it? How will they be selected? How much public participat­ion is desirable? Who will decide whether to accept the final draft?

The process of constituti­onal reform matters significan­tly, first, to the legitimacy the document can claim, and, secondly, to the final content. The process is as important as the outcome. Electing the members of a constituti­onal convention and ratifying the text by referendum, public hearings, media campaigns, survey research and solicitati­on of individual comments would increasing­ly make the public part of the process.

These are all issues that might cause constituti­onal reform to eventually stall. In the meantime, certain aspects remain ripe and crying out loud for reform. Religion, citizenshi­p, presidenti­al powers, the role and functions of members of Parliament, electoral law, financing of political parties and appointmen­ts to sensitive positions will undoubtedl­y have to be revisited.

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