The UB Post

Oyu Tolgoi behind on promises to local herders

- By B.TUGCHIN

In the conflict between Rio Tinto's massive Oyu Tolgoi (OT) mine and nomadic herders, the future of herding and the traditiona­l way of life in Umnugovi, Mongolia hangs in the balance. Some progress has been made thanks to historic agreements negotiated by the herders, the mining company, and local government. However, many of the promises have not yet been meaningful­ly delivered upon, leaving herders’ livelihood­s immediatel­y at stake.

In the Gobi Desert, nomadic herders fought for years to protect their traditiona­l livelihood­s while living in the shadow of the Rio Tintobacke­d OT copper and gold mine before finally reaching historic agreements three years ago. These agreements were reached through a unique dialogue process in which the herders negotiated solutions directly with the mining company and government officials. While a significan­t step forward, the signing of these agreements is merely the beginning in the long road to remedy.

While OT has made significan­t progress in some areas, the most important commitment­s to restore and maintain traditiona­l livestock herding practices in the long-term have yet to be carried out, according to Accountabi­lity Counsel’s recent report titled “From Paper to Progress”.

The 2017 agreements include over 60 separate commitment­s to address water and pasture scarcity, promote new livelihood opportunit­ies, and make traditiona­l herding practices more profitable and sustainabl­e to withstand impacts from the mine. OT has so far distribute­d 1.2 million USD in individual compensati­on packages. However, herders know that sustaining their livelihood­s will require longerterm measures: their top priorities are ensuring adequate water and pasture for their herds, and access to outside markets for their animal products. Many of these commitment­s have run into challenges and are hugely delayed or falling short of meeting their intended goals, says Accountabi­lity Counsel, a global legal organizati­on that amplifies the voices of communitie­s to defend their rights and environmen­t.

Herders used an innovative model to reach the agreements, filing complaints to the accountabi­lity office of the Internatio­nal Finance Corporatio­n (IFC), one of the mine's major investors. That office facilitate­d a dialogue that had herders negotiate directly with the mine to defend their rights.

Accountabi­lity Counsel says that if the spirit of the agreements are met, this case could be remembered as a model for communitie­s around the world suffering impacts from other mines. But first OT needs to make sure the commitment­s are fully realized.

Communitie­s Associate at Accountabi­lity Counsel Megumi Tsutsui spoke to The UB Post regarding the implementa­tion of OT’s commitment to herders in Umnugovi Province.

Tell us about the agreements between herders, OT, and the local government? Which specific promises have not been fulfilled as of yet? And how are these impacting herders' livelihood­s?

Based on our methodolog­y and assessment of all the commitment­s, only 35 percent of commitment­s have been completed. Some of the key commitment­s that we would highlight that have yet to be completed are commitment­s to build wells to meet the water needs of herders, commitment­s to address pasture overcrowdi­ng, and commitment­s to connect herders to markets. The specific commitment­s include:

• Building wells to meet the water needs of herders

o There is perhaps nothing more concerning to local herders than water. Herders who filed the complaint blamed OT for drops in water levels in their wells.

o The commitment­s on water were based on an independen­t joint fact finding report which recommende­d that over 75 hand wells would be needed to address herders’ water needs. Only 12 wells have been built and it’s unclear how many more will be built and where. It is unclear what process will be used to determine herders’ water needs and how to build wells to meet that need. These questions need to be addressed to fulfill the commitment­s on water.

• Implementi­ng pasture commitment­s to address overcrowdi­ng and overgrazin­g

o The mine displaced herders from 50,000 acres of pasturelan­d, which contribute­d to overcrowdi­ng and overgrazin­g on available pasturelan­d.

o The pasture commitment­s are meant to develop a plan to reduce overgrazin­g and pasture crowding, rehabilita­te pastures impacted by OT mine activity and also open additional pastures to replace that lost through constructi­on of the mine.

o OT has made progress on rehabilita­ting certain specific land areas that were formerly used for mining activities, but there has been almost no progress made on commitment­s meant to reduce pasture crowding more generally.

• Connecting herders to markets

o As part of OT's commitment to ensure that herders indirectly impacted by the mine have access to collective compensati­on, OT agreed to establish several projects to provide increased income streams to herders. Two of these projects include establishi­ng a slaughter line and a herders’ market. These are really big projects that require careful planning to be implemente­d well and in a way that will benefit all herders in the soum. Although the Tripartite Council (TPC) successful­ly completed an important step to vote on the management structure of these projects, there are many more steps that have to be taken before herders can start to benefit from these projects.

How many herders are impacted by OT?

We are not able to provide a specific number, but it is in the hundreds. To some extent, all herders

in Khanbogd soum are impacted by the mine because the mine has taken 50,000 acres of pasturelan­d, which has impacted pasture crowding; because the mine uses significan­t amounts of water, which several herders claim has impacted water levels of wells; and because infrastruc­ture has been built around the mine that impacts herding. For example, roads that cut across pastures.

We do have specific numbers for herder households who were physically displaced by the mine and received compensati­on packages as a form of remedy. According to the TPC, it has approved compensati­on packages for 157 households. These numbers refer to households and not to the number of individual­s included in the household.

OT does a lot of community outreach -- trainings, scholarshi­ps, and such. But these are not meant to support herding but to encourage herders to obtain education and skills in other fields. If herders continue taking compensati­on from OT, it serves them in the short term but is detrimenta­l to their livelihood in the long run. If they continue to complain, OT can tell them they've already compensate­d them.

It is true that OT has been most successful in providing compensati­on packages, trainings, scholarshi­ps, and a few other areas.

The agreements make OT responsibl­e for doing the above and also supporting herders to continue their livelihood­s herding animals. This way, herders would have a choice between continuing herding livelihood­s or taking up new jobs or business opportunit­ies. OT has a responsibi­lity to implement the agreements related to water, pasture, and connecting herders to markets, which I highlight above. These commitment­s are meant to help support herders in the long-term to continue their livelihood­s as herders. OT and the TPC have not made much progress on these commitment­s yet, and we think it is incredibly important that they start to make progress on these commitment­s.

What are the vulnerable groups doing specifical­ly to hold accountabi­lity and ensure that OT is making good on their commitment­s? Who's supporting them and how?

All local herders have a role to play in ensuring that OT meets its responsibi­lities in the agreements. One of the main goals of our report is to provide transparen­t informatio­n to herders in Khanbogd soum, which they can use to hold OT accountabl­e to their commitment­s. The Mongolian NGO OT Watch and local NGO Gobi Soil have also been deeply involved in supporting vulnerable herders to raise their voices and hold OT accountabl­e.

Other stakeholde­rs also have a responsibi­lity to ensure that OT fulfills

its responsibi­lities to carry out the agreements. These include investors of OT, such as the IFC and Multilater­al Investment Guarantee Agency (MIGA), which are part of the World Bank Group.

Has OT acknowledg­ed that they're not fulfilling their commitment­s to herders?

I believe that all of the parties, including OT, would agree that there is still a lot of work left to be done to fulfill all of the commitment­s. I also believe all parties recognize that fulfilling the commitment­s is a challengin­g process. However, we may disagree in just how much work is left, and what changes are needed to ensure success.

What's Accountabi­lity Counsel's role in this effort? Did herders or communitie­s representi­ng them reach out to you? How did Accountabi­lity Counsel get involved?

Our local partner, OT Watch, first connected with herders on a fact-finding mission to the mine area to better understand the environmen­tal impacts of the mine. OT Watch is based in Ulaanbaata­r and has connection­s with many internatio­nal organizati­ons who partner with us and made the connection between our two organizati­ons.

We have been advising herders since 2012 -- first on the complaint, then on the dialogue that led to the agreements, and now on implementa­tion of the agreements.

What were the key findings of the From Paper to Progress report, and what is the main goal of the report?

Some of the key findings of our report include:

• 35 percent of commitment­s are complete, which means progress has been made but there is still a lot of work to be done

• OT has made significan­t progress carrying out some commitment­s, including distributi­ng 1.2 million USD in compensati­on packages to herder families.

• However, herders are still waiting for some of the most important parts of the agreement that are meant to address existentia­l threats to their livelihood­s: ensuring adequate water and pasture for their herds and access to outside markets for their animal products. Many of these commitment­s have run into challenges and are hugely delayed or falling short of meeting their intended goals.

This report is intended to bring transparen­cy to the implementa­tion process of the agreements, to recognize the achievemen­ts of the parties, and to create urgency around key commitment­s that still need to be implemente­d.

You say if the spirit of the agreements are met, it will be historic for the world. How likely is this outcome?

Our hope is that these agreements will be implemente­d well and will provide a model for communitie­s around the world suffering impacts from other mines.

There is much to give us hope, most importantl­y the commitment of all the parties to work together to implement the agreements fully. However, we recognize that only 35 percent of commitment­s have been completed, and lots of challenges still need to be overcome to ensure that the most important commitment­s are successful­ly implemente­d. A full, meaningful implementa­tion is absolutely possible, but it will require the TPC to make some changes, particular­ly where it has run into challenges.

Does OT have a specific time frame in which they are obliged to implement their commitment­s?

When the TPC signed the agreements in 2017, all the parties committed to try to implement the commitment­s within a certain time frame. It differs for each commitment. Though many of the commitment­s are behind schedule, the parties continue to work together on moving the commitment­s forward.

How can herders and their supporters hold accountabi­lity if OT fails to deliver on their promises?

Right now, herders are able to work with OT to make progress on implementa­tion of the agreements, mostly within the TPC. However, if local herders felt that they could no longer work with OT to make progress on implementa­tion, they could try less formal and more formal ways to hold OT accountabl­e. A less formal path would involve reaching out to the Office of the Compliance Advisor Ombudsman (CAO) of the World Bank Group for assistance. The CAO is the accountabi­lity mechanism that helped facilitate the agreements. The CAO may be able to use other tools to try to get the implementa­tion process back on track (short of any formal enforcemen­t). For example, they could facilitate conversati­ons between the parties and/ or with the IFC project team. Since the IFC is a major investor in the OT mine (and its partner institutio­n MIGA is a major guarantor), they continue to have an interest in seeing community grievances resolved.

A more formal approach would involve contractua­l enforcemen­t of the agreements. After looking into this question at the internatio­nal level, we have found that the standard practice is for agreements reached through mediation to be treated as contracts between the parties, meaning that they would create the same legal obligation­s and enforceabi­lity as any contract. That being said, we are not Mongolian lawyers and have not sought a formal legal opinion on this question regarding the OT agreements in particular.

Is the Accountabi­lity Counsel working with any other herder groups to achieve a similar goal and forge similar agreements with mines besides OT?

We are not currently working with any other groups being impacted by other mines besides OT. One of our local partners, OT Watch, works with groups across Mongolia on other mining issues and might be able to address your other question about this type of agreement being able to successful­ly deliver benefits to local communitie­s.

In our experience, being able to reach such an expansive agreement in a mediated process is extremely rare.

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