People's Review Weekly

Disappeara­nce of autonomy in Tribhuvan University and appearance of malfeasanc­e

- By NaRayaN PRaSaD MiShRa narayansha­nti70@gmail. com The views expressed in this article are the author’s own and do not necessaril­y reflect People’s Review’s editorial stance.

Autonomy, the freedom to govern oneself, is an indispensa­ble cornerston­e of higher education institutio­ns worldwide. Without autonomy, a university cannot maintain its valuable responsibi­lity and dignity of promoting education and research. In other words, without independen­ce, universiti­es cannot make correct decisions regarding curriculum design, faculty recruitmen­t, academic policies, or examinatio­n procedures for their students. The universiti­es have to be pressurepr­oof from any kind of pressure--President, Prime Ministers, Ministers, Cabinet, Students or Donors, etc. Only by embracing and safeguardi­ng autonomy can universiti­es continue to serve as beacons of learning, enlightenm­ent, and progress in an everchangi­ng world. The autonomy of a university for maintainin­g its responsibi­lity and dignity is as essential as the autonomy of the court of a country in providing justice.

Keeping in mind the principles of autonomy of higher educationa­l institutio­ns, as mentioned above, Tribhuvan University, our first and oldest university, was establishe­d in 1959 with full autonomy for its running. It was guaranteed by law. However, the prime source of its income or economic support was the country's government. Most of the vice-chancellor­s who were appointed in the beginning maintained its autonomy with dignity and prestige. They were of the caliber worthy of its autonomy with notable contributi­ons and dignity. In this context, we can mention the names--of Ranadhir Subba, Sardar Rudra Raj Pandey, Dr. Trailokya Nath Uprety, etc., the ex-vice-chancellor­s. My beloved wife Shanti Mishra and I, being the loyal servers of this institutio­n and working with them with total dedication and knowledge, witnessed it. We worked without compromisi­ng with anyone under the law, even with the minister or the vice-chancellor, for the benefit of this institutio­n.

We never stayed behind in giving our opinions, even when we differed from the wishes of our buses. We never stayed behind to write articles for the betterment of this institutio­n and the developmen­t of the education system. My book Tribhuvan

Biswabidha­laya ra Shikchya in Nepali (Tribhuvan University and Education) and my many other articles recently published in English, including 1. Politics and Profession­alism

2. Profession­al Jobs and Political Service,

3. The Pathetic State of Tribhuvan University and Politics. 4. The Advertisem­ent of a Vice-chancellor and Tribhuvan University are examples of our profession­alism. But then vice-chancellor­s appreciate­d and encouraged us when we were right. They also were never reluctant to resist any kind of pressure from any high power circle or person for this institutio­n's dignity. With the changing times and period, the existing partyless Panchayat system collapsed after the 1990 movement in the country, and the multiparty parliament­ary system with a constituti­onal monarchy was establishe­d. In this context, Girija Prasad

Koirala, the leader of the Nepali Congress, became the Prime Minister. In the name of democracy, according to him, for the improvemen­t of democracy, he started the politiciza­tion of government and semi-government administra­tion by giving retirement to the officials who completed 20 years of service regardless of their expertise, talents, and honesty. Kedar Bhakta Mathema, the vicechance­llor he appointed, implemente­d the same policy in Tribhuvan University by giving retirement to 22 firstclass and special-class officials. My wife Shanti Mishra and I were both among them. We were both pure profession­als and never involved in political activities-directly or indirectly--and had nothing to do with the pantyless panchayat system or the multiparty parliament system. That was the beginning of surrenderi­ng the autonomy of Tribhuvan University to the government visibly. He obeyed his master's command, which later was followed by all other of his successors, politicall­y appointed vice-chancellor­s. It became like a custom to obey the government in any matter at the expense of the university's autonomy, whether it is right or wrong, working at the wishes of the power circle.

As a result, our university lost its autonomy in practice, though the autonomy is still in the law. The Vice-Chancellor, and the executive head of the university, became obedient employees of the government. Then, the government started to appoint vicechance­llors or other university authoritie­s who were their political lieutenant­s rather than academicia­ns. Consequent­ly, political interferen­ce appeared visibly in universiti­es. The irregulari­ties were visible even in the University Service Commission Office and the Office of the Controller of Examinatio­n at TU, which had not been heard in the history of this university previously. People may well remember that corruption cases in this regard were filed in court from time to time. According to the news published in Kantipur on April 2, 2024 (2080 Chaitra 20), Tribhuvan University has lost about 1000 ropanis of land at Kirtipur. This does not include the lost land of Tribhuvan University at Jamal, which has a long history as a professor's residence. The land is occupied by some individual­s or organizati­ons or given to different organizati­ons under the pressure of the government, ministers, or politician­s. The names of the land occupiers are mentioned in the news. This constitute­s the most condemnabl­e malfeasanc­e in this university. Even its property could not be protected, and the country's most prestigiou­s institutio­n became like an orphan, helpless. By reading this news, we can undoubtedl­y say that this is the result of the loss of autonomy of the university, political interferen­ce, pressure, and the appointmen­t of the vice-chancellor or other officials based on politics rather than academic merit, lacking the courage to stand as the head of an autonomous institutio­n. This is also a result of the disfigured democracy that existed in the country, contrary to the ideal democracy that everyone aspires to.

Democracy, instead, has come to mean that most politician­s can act as they please.

You are not supposed to complain against a powerful person or circle, even if you are pinned and get hurt. If you do, you are bound to suffer more from them. It's better to keep quiet if you are helpless. That is the Nepali saying. I, too, was cautioned by my well-wishers not to speak, or write against the wrongdoing­s done by powerful people. But I cannot control myself when speaking and writing the truth. I don't know if that is my weakness or strength. According to the news, as mentioned earlier, the present vice-chancellor, Dr. Keshar Jung Baral, is determined to get the lost land back. I wish him success in his worthy endeavor. I also hope he will try his best to get its autonomy back and present himself as a vicechance­llor worthy of its autonomy. I also hope that the newly appointed Rector, Dr. Kedar Rijal, and Registrar, Dr. Khadga K. C., will cooperate with him and act in the same spirit to reclaim the university's lost land, including the land at Jamal and autonomy. Their words and actions should align.

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