The Post

The trouble with the NZ Wars

Historians continue to debate the telling of the 19th-century conflict, but Danny Keenan argues that, for Ma¯ori, it was all about land.

-

The New Zealand Wars are everywhere these days. Perhaps it’s true – every generation writes its history

anew.

But problems remain with the storytelli­ng. For Ma¯ ori, the wars were devastatin­g, as Pa¯ keha¯ historians remind us. It’s a bit like – to coin a phrase – ‘‘the winners reminding the losers how badly they lost’’. Certainly, memories of those tu¯ puna lost in such egregious circumstan­ces do invite a certain cultural circumspec­tion. But that doesn’t mean that Ma¯ ori narratives should be seen as disempower­ed or inconseque­ntial.

Earlier, Ma¯ ori stories and modes of expression­s were integral to the work of Pa¯ keha¯ historians otherwise swayed by contempora­ry influences.

Writing in the 1920s, James Cowan used Ma¯ ori modes of expression to condemn Ma¯ ori losses. But few were listening, with Gallipoli a significan­t distractio­n, as was the advent of Anzac Day in 1920, a new, triumphal national day that erased our colonial past.

During the 1950s, as the British Empire decolonise­d, Keith Sinclair rued the suffering of Ma¯ ori, pointing to the failure of British humanitari­anism which forced Ma¯ ori ‘‘to fight for their existence’’. For Keith Sorrenson, however, the problem was closer to home; the wars constitute­d ‘‘a conflict for land, and for authority over land’’.

With the Waitangi Tribunal emerging in the 1970s, Tony Simpson excoriated the Wakefields for transporti­ng deception and violence to Ma¯ ori. Alan Ward wrote of a ‘‘crisis of the 1860s’’, with fearful Pa¯ keha¯ determined to subdue Ma¯ ori. Tim Ryan and Bill Parham coined the phrase ‘‘gun-fighter Pa¯ ’’ to describe hapu¯ digging undergroun­d to escape the dreadful musket and, later, the Enfield rifle.

Many other notable historians have debated the wars; a prodigious literature covers most aspects of these conflicts.

And Ma¯ ori did suffer. ‘‘Nga¯ Paka¯ nga Whenua o Mua’’ refers to endemic warfare that afflicted papaka¯ inga, going back well before the 1860s. In fact, such expression­s reflect the nuanced nature of tribal narratives that follow their own cultural trajectori­es, conforming to the convention­s of the marae, resisting coercion to accommodat­e dominant Pa¯ keha¯ narratives.

This is why, for example, Ma¯ ori resist the notion, advanced by most Pa¯ keha historians these days, that the wars constitute­d a bitter and bloody war for sovereignt­y – by implicatio­n, a civil war. This is especially so when historians turn this back on Ma¯ ori by suggesting that, in fact, the wars were really a civil war between the tribes, with the Crown acting as mere bystander.

It is true that, towards the end, Ma¯ ori tragically fought Ma¯ ori. But they did so to serve Crown purposes, not their own. At all stages, the Crown’s interests remained paramount, negating a ‘‘Ma¯ ori civil war’’. And the wars were lost in the Waikato, where the Kingitanga fought against the British Army, not other Ma¯ ori.

As to a ‘‘New Zealand Civil War’’ – Crown against Ma¯ ori – the idea has had some air, but hasn’t been argued

convincing­ly. Standing on Te Kohia Pa¯ , near Waitara, James Belich declaimed that ‘‘this was the place where the great civil wars of the 1860s began’’. Belich described overlappin­g realms of colonial sovereignt­y, taking issue with Ma¯ ori who, like Sorrenson, insisted that land was the issue.

Yet, for Ma¯ ori, land was the issue, because land and sovereignt­y were the same thing; you can’t have one without the other. Te tino rangatirat­anga was anchored by whakapapa into ancient landscapes ‘‘posited as living beings, enhanced by founding tu¯ puna, enshrining ongoing cultural expression­s of mana’’, writes Justice Eddie Durie. It was all about the mana of the land which, though subject to egregious dispossess­ion and loss, endured.

Now, however, in these times of political post-Treaty settlement­s, it seems a good idea to reinforce sovereignt­y as the primary cause – and the prize – reminding revitalise­d Ma¯ ori of what was lost, or perhaps what was never theirs.

If sovereignt­y really matters as the primary cause, then the challengin­g intellectu­al case for sovereignt­y and civil war needs to be argued. But no Pa¯ keha historian has yet made the attempt to ground sovereignt­y into New Zealand’s historical, literal or figurative organic landscape – at least, not since Cowan. Other historians remain unconvince­d, like JGA Pocock who, writing in 1965, argued that, unlike the Crown, Ma¯ ori did not constitute a single civil polity.

Historians need to do more than merely posit sovereignt­y as an overarchin­g cause with no grounding, existing somewhere out there, in the process dismissing Ma¯ ori counter-narratives framed by the sustaining land, forests, rivers and other resources – rooted in cultural millennia – which, as it so happened, were taken from Ma¯ ori with such violence and, yes, causing immeasurab­le suffering.

Land was the issue, because land and sovereignt­y were the same thing; you can’t have one without the other.

Dr Danny Keenan (Te A¯ tiawa) is author of Te Whiti O Rongomai and the Resistance of Parihaka (Huia, 2015).

 ??  ?? Waikato warrior Rewi Maniapoto at the battle of O¯ ra¯kau in 1864. He is said to have responded to the offer of surrender by saying, "Ka whawhai tonu ma¯tou, a¯ke, a¯ke, a¯ ke!" ("We shall fight on, for ever, and ever, and ever!")
Waikato warrior Rewi Maniapoto at the battle of O¯ ra¯kau in 1864. He is said to have responded to the offer of surrender by saying, "Ka whawhai tonu ma¯tou, a¯ke, a¯ke, a¯ ke!" ("We shall fight on, for ever, and ever, and ever!")

Newspapers in English

Newspapers from New Zealand