NANAIA MAHUTA

A different perspective

The question ofwho would be the United States president had lingered for days. Then, hours after Joe Biden was confirmed the election winner early on a Sundaymorning, New Zealand’s newly appointed foreign-minister took to Twitter and issued a simple but unusual statement: a smiley-face emoji.

It was amistake. Nanaia Mahuta was two days into the job and had decided she should be more active on social media. Many of the world’s diplomats, embassies and high commissions are talking to each other on Twitter. So, she opened her phone for a ‘‘test drive’’ and – she still sounds a little confused about what she was trying to achieve – tried to respond to a post from GreenMP Marama Davidson. Many took it as an unvarnished, official remark on the election outcome.

‘‘It was amateurish,’’ Mahuta says. ‘‘Honestly, there were two things I thought in the Covid context. One, I’ve got to up my Zoom game, and two, the social media platform; interesting enough, amongst foreign ministers [social media] is being used more and more.’’

Mahuta is a remarkable pick for the foreign minister position – the first woman in the job, she made headlines across the world for having amoko kauae, a chin tattoo – and she comes into it during a remarkable time. The global Covid-19 pandemic is not abating, the ability to travel is limited, there are growing tensions between New Zealand’s largest trading partner, China, and traditional allies such as Australia and the US, and some of New Zealand’s friends hold growing expectations that more should be done to mitigate the effects of climate change. ‘‘It’s a time of opportunity, but I think I can bring a unique perspective to the role aswell,’’ she says.

A politician of two decades, the assessment of her career up to now was as follows: lowprofile, quiet, a relationship-builder, connections to Ma¯ori royalty. Mahuta, 50, is of Waikato-Maniopoto (part of the wider Tainui iwi) and Nga¯tiManu and Ngati Hine whakapapa, and does not like the ‘‘Ma¯ori royalty’’ title. ‘‘I have whakapapa connections that are deep and strong to the legacy leadership in our tribe. Other people have characterised that in a certain way. Iwould say I’m strongly connected to the leadership of the Kiingitanga movement in Waikato.’’

Her father, Sir Robert Mahuta, was the adopted son of the fifth Waikato-Tainui king, Korokı¯ Mahuta, making her a relative of the current king, Tu¯heitia Paki. Her father was political. Hewas the lead negotiator for the Waikato-Tainui Treaty Settlement, which came in 1994, was worth $170 million, and was the first such deal with the Crown.

And Mahuta’s ‘‘various tribal political experiences’’ were part of her journey to Parliament, which she entered aged 26. ‘‘I knew that in order to support the change that we were wanting to achieve, it was important to have someone representing in politics.

‘‘I was encouraged to participate, not by my father, though, by other Ma¯ori women who were members of the Ma¯ori Women’s Welfare League. AndMMPsaw an opportunity for many people to participate, and that’s how I got involved.’’

She ran for the Te Tai Haua¯uru seat in 1996, losing but entering at No 8 on Labour’s list – a high placing for an untested, young political candidate. She won Te Tai Haua¯uru in 1999. She then switched to the Tainui seat and won at the 2002 election. The seat became HaurakiWaikato in 2008.

During a particularly tense political moment for Ma¯ori MPs, the Foreshore and Seabed debate, Mahuta voted against the controversial Labour legislation at its first and second readings. But she didn’t follow fellow LabourMPTariana Turia, who went on to form the Ma¯ori Party, in opposing the bill’s third reading – her support was ‘‘pure pragmatism’’, she said in a speech. She then withdrew from Labour’s list to ensure she had the mandate of the Tainui electorate. If they were unhappy, she could be voted out.

For those who lack an awareness of her record, she has an explanation: ‘‘My profile within the Ma¯ori electorate has been in contrast to my public profile in the mainstream. So yeah, they’re a tale of two cities in many respects.’’

Further demonstrating this is her clasp on the Hauraki-Waikato seat, despite Kiingi Tuheitia asking his people to vote against Mahuta, and for the Ma¯ori Party, in the 2017 elections. He didn’t back Mahuta in 2020, instead offering non-partisan encouragement to Ma¯ori voters.

Mahuta is diplomatic about why she’s continued to win the seat, regardless of her lack of endorsement from the Kiingitanga. ‘‘You know, I keep my feet firmly on the ground and involved in my communities, amongst my tribe, furthering the aspirations of our Ma¯ori organisations and our community . . . So whatever responsibility I hold or position I hold, I try and use that to the maximum advantage of my electorate.’’

And, in away, that’s what she intends to do as foreignminister. Mahuta says her point of difference will be her perspective. ‘‘As an indigenous person, I know that there are indigenous solutions to some of the challenges of this time that, were they to be adopted and supported, could actually act as a cross-cutting mechanism to tackle some of the issues like inequality and poverty.’’

Asked what is different about this Government’s foreign policy intentions, compared with those when NZ First leader Winston Peters was foreign minister, Mahuta’s answer is twofold: a ‘‘convincing mandate’’ won at the election, and ‘‘brand Ardern’’. Jacinda Ardern’s international reputation has grown from ‘‘strength to strength’’ while advocating strongly on human rights, a science-based approach to Covid-19, a pandemic recovery that ‘‘works for people’’ and the environment, Mahuta says. ‘‘She continues to message out some of the core tenets of a foreign policy. With such a convincing majority, she will only continue to lean into that space.’’

What this continued ‘‘lean’’ into foreign affairs means is yet to become clear. The Pacific Reset, a near-billion-dollar investment and reorientation of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Trade, will continue ‘‘because they’re close neighbours’’.

On climate action, Mahuta says the issue is important for New Zealand’s international standing, but ‘‘it can’t be divorced from our will to act domestically’’. ‘‘It’s no use going out on the global stage promoting something that we aren’t committed to, or haven’t tried to achieve more at a practical level.’’

But doesNew Zealand need to do more? Our largest partners are setting more ambitious targets. Mahuta says climate change is ‘‘not the kind of issue that can be sorted overnight’’. ‘‘But I do believe that . . . in the agenda we have planned for this term, wewill continue to make significant advancements.’’

On the China issue, there appears to be little early intention of a noticeable shift, and little obvious appetite to push as firmly against China’s aspirations as Australia, the US, and the UK have done.

The prior government and Peters had subtly nudgedNew Zealand into a firmer stance on China. While avoiding the harshest of China’s reprimands, such as the trade restrictions placed on Australia, Peters did have a penchant for bombastic statements, including saying China’s ambassador to New Zealand should ‘‘listen to her master’’.

Would she be willing to speak up, as Peters did? ‘‘I think New Zealand has a strong reputation in terms of front-footing issues in relation to human rights, in relation to strong democracies, and what underpins strong democracies . . . And I intend to continue my role, to be able to message out what’s important for us as a nation, but as we contribute to the international community.’’

She has stayed the course since. In the weeks since Mahuta spoke to Stuff, New Zealand joined a Five Eyes statement condemning China’s actions inHong Kong, invoking a sharp response from Beijing. Mahuta had earlier spoken to UK foreign secretary Dominic Raab, and then tweeted out a statement: ‘‘Aotearoa New Zealand is deeply concerned at the latest developments that have eroded the fundamental rights and freedoms of the people of Hong Kong.’’

That was an official message from the foreign minister.

‘‘It’s a time of opportunity, but I think I can bring a unique perspective to the role as well.’’