The Post

Canadian prime minister shook up economy, leaving complicate­d legacy

- Brian Mulroney

Brian Mulroney, an electricia­n’s son who served two terms as Canada’s prime minister, forging close ties with President Ronald Reagan as a fellow conservati­ve and Cold War ally and becoming one of the first Western leaders to formally recognise the perils of climate change, has died at 84.

His daughter, Caroline Mulroney, announced the death, but did not provide further details. He had a heart procedure after treatment for prostate cancer last year.

Mulroney pursued a path to leadership in the early 1980s that was as improbable as it was meteoric – vaulting from relative political obscurity to take the helm of Canada’s conservati­ves in a moment of internal party disarray.

He had already made himself rich as a corporate lawyer and displayed some innate political skills. He could work a crowd, wear down opponents in marathon negotiatio­ns and was unafraid to take bold economic steps, such as selling off state companies and hammering out the North American Free Trade Agreement with the United States and Mexico.

Tall, square-jawed and with a beaming smile, he even looked the part of a studiocast leader in an age defined by Reagan, a real former film star.

Mulroney knew soaring highs and dark lows. In 1984, he led one of the biggest political landslides in Canadian history, but plunged to almost unmatched levels of unpopulari­ty less than a decade later.

He often was criticised for shifting his views and policies to fit the moment and for possessing a runaway ego. Political observers speculated that Mulroney, who came from humble roots in Quebec, saw himself as an outsider constantly needing to prove his mettle.

Power-abuse allegation­s surfaced after his political career was over. A government inquiry in 2010 found Mulroney accepted envelopes filled with cash totalling at least $225,000 after his departure from the prime minister post. The payments were allegedly part of an effort by an aviation lobbyist, Karlheinz Schreiber, to win Canadian contracts for his clients, including Airbus.

The panel’s report called Mulroney’s apparent actions “inappropri­ate”, but did not trigger new legal proceeding­s. Mulroney had denied previously any wrongdoing and, in 1997, had been awarded $2.1 million by the government in a defamation case stemming from investigat­ions into the allegation­s.

In the end, Mulroney left a complicate­d legacy.

“Mulroney has multiple images,” Jonathan Malloy, a political scientist, wrote in 2008. “Among them are a harsh ideologue, a milquetoas­t pleaser, an obsession with polls, deep indifferen­ce to public opinion, a slick operator whose slickness was exposed continuall­y, a statesman and possibly a crook.”

But there was no denying his impact on Canada. His government signed Nafta in 1992 and accelerate­d the sell-off of state-owned companies, including iconic holdings such as Air Canada in the late 1980s and energy giant Petro-Canada in 1991.

One of his government’s most stunning – and controvers­ial – moves came in 1991 with the introducti­on of a nationwide 7% goods and services tax that raised prices across Canada but helped stabilise state finances.

On social issues, Mulroney also emerged as a trailblaze­r. He spurred greater recognitio­n of rights for indigenous people and led Canada to become one of the first Western nations to ratify an internatio­nal biodiversi­ty convention and a climate change accord, each signed in 1992.

His deputy prime minister, Don Mazankowsk­i, once described Mulroney’s main achievemen­t as having dragged Canada “kicking and screaming” toward the 21st century.

Martin Brian Mulroney was born in Baie-Comeau, Quebec, a paper mill town, on March 20, 1939. His parents traced their roots to Ireland but raised their children as loyal Quebecois, with Mulroney and his siblings slipping seamlessly between English and French.

In 1959 he graduated from St. Francis Xavier University in Nova Scotia. While studying political science, he took on local organising roles for conservati­ves. He obtained a law degree in 1964 and joined a powerful Montreal law firm.

He kept a hand in politics as an organiser and adviser for the Quebec branch of the Progressiv­e Conservati­ve Party, which had been pushed from power by the rising Liberal Party of Pierre Trudeau.

Mulroney built national political connection­s as a member of a commission in 1974 created to investigat­e union practices at the James Bay hydroelect­ric project. The commission’s bombshell findings gave Mulroney his first taste of the national political spotlight.

In 1976, the Progressiv­e Conservati­ve leader, Robert Stanfield, resigned after a string of election losses. Mulroney lacked hands-on political experience but made a bid for the party leadership post.

He waged a free-spending run – a “sexy, razzmatazz campaign,” he later said – that included his private jet and earned him the nickname the “Cadillac candidate”.

After a third-place finish, he went into a tailspin. He battled alcohol abuse and apparent bouts of depression, according to several biographie­s.

Apivotal moment for Mulroney came during a business trip to Romania in 1980. He had multiple glasses of Rémy Martin lined up in front of him at closing time in the Interconti­nental Hotel lobby in Bucharest and exploded in anger at his friends who seemed concerned about his drinking.

The next morning, according to a 2005 biography, The Secret Mulroney Tapes, by Canadian author Peter C Newman, Mulroney announced: “Boys, I’ve just made a decision. I’m going on the wagon. I’m going to play tennis this summer and get my [stuff] together and my head in shape.” Mulroney kept his word. He later credited his rebound – and return to politics – to his wife, Mila Pivnički. She threatened to leave him and take the children if he did not halt his drinking and notorious carousing, Canadian political journalist John Sawatsky wrote in Mulroney: The Politics of Ambition (1991).

Mulroney and his wife had four children, Ben, Caroline, Mark and Nicolas.

In 1983, Mulroney won a parliament seat from Nova Scotia and assumed leadership of the Progressiv­e Conservati­ves. By the next year, Trudeau’s government was sinking, and opinion polls pointed to a surging Conservati­ve opposition. Mulroney and the Tories seized the moment – nearly doubling their seats in the then-282-seat parliament in one of the biggest political romps in Canadian history.

Mulroney soon faced his first crisis: the bombing in 1985 of an Air India Boeing 747 on a Toronto-to-New Delhi route. The attack over the Atlantic claimed 329 lives, including those of 268 Canadians. Years later, Canadian officials apologised for shortcomin­gs in the investigat­ions and possibly ignoring warnings from India of an impending attack by Sikh militants.

By the early 1990s, Mulroney’s political fortunes were in freefall. The goods and services tax gave opponents a major weapon. In one 1992 poll, Mulroney’s approval rating stood at a devastatin­g 11%. He retired from politics in 1993 and was replaced as prime minister by thendefenc­e minister Kim Campbell.

The 1993 election was a disaster for the Tories. The party went from 156 seats in parliament to two.

“Popularity is bad for you,” Mulroney had once quipped in a 1992 campaign speech, according to the Toronto-based National Post newspaper. “I try to avoid it like the plague, and I’ve been reasonably successful.”

 ?? JOHN SELKIRK/STUFF ?? Brian Mulroney during a visit to New Zealand in 2001.
JOHN SELKIRK/STUFF Brian Mulroney during a visit to New Zealand in 2001.

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