The Southland Times

Migrant-filled Europe ‘spiralling into chaos’

With the French and German government­s losing control, and Turkey uncooperat­ive, the EU has rarely looked weaker, says

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This summer will be the tipping point, the moment the high-pitched anxiety about the disintegra­tion of Europe starts to colour all political calculatio­n.

The fast tempo of the street attacks in Germany and the cumulative terror assaults in France all point in one direction: imperfectl­y integrated migrant communitie­s and damaged rootless refugees are beginning to turn on their host countries.

As a result Francois Hollande’s countrymen no longer trust him as a commander-in-chief, while the Germans question the competence and judgment of Angela Merkel. The confidence in the integrativ­e idea of Europe is evaporatin­g.

That is about to take a turn for the worse. Recep Tayyip Erdogan’s post-coup coup in Turkey - the president’s mass round-up of critics - makes plain that the flawed grand bargain with the European Union on stemming the refugee exodus cannot hold for much longer.

For the past few months it has cut the numbers of boat people and allowed the German chancellor to believe she is still clinging on to public support for a liberal refugee policy. Even before Erdogan’s latest authoritar­ian lurch, however, the deal was beginning to look wobbly.

The original idea was that Turkey should essentiall­y become a holding pen for refugees in return for EU cash and the right for Turkish citizens to travel freely in Europe.

Migrants rejected by Greece would be taken back by the Turks, people smugglers thwarted. For every illegal migrant taken back by Ankara, the EU agreed to take a properly documented refugee from the Turkish camps.

What is already happening, though, is that returned migrants are being dumped in detention centres; according to Amnesty Internatio­nal, some have even been sent back to Syria.

Migrants rejected by the EU are supposed to be returned to a "safe" country.

Yet even before the tanks appeared on Turkish streets, the country did not look very safe to people on the move.

EU states turned a blind eye. Now Erdogan is making it all but impossible to work with him. He wants to introduce the death penalty; he has imposed a state of emergency.

Greece is rightly thinking twice about sending people back across the Aegean.

The EU had demanded changes in Turkey’s anti-terror legislatio­n before granting visa liberalisa­tion. Instead, Erdogan is becoming tougher and he has little interest in accelerati­ng entry into the EU. We have lost all influence over him; he has eaten the carrots and broken the sticks.

It is not only the Germans who have been noticing that the refugees offered up by the Turks for resettleme­nt in the EU include an unusually high number of young men with mental health problems.

The sheer volume of Germany’s migrant intake - 1.2 million last year - means that many of the vulnerable are slipping through the net.

The machete and bomb attacks that have hit German streets are thus being seen partly as an indictment of Merkel’s open-door policy. Germans scoff when they hear from the interior minister that 59 asylum seekers from the Middle East are under investigat­ion for terrorist connection­s.

What does he know, they ask, what does anyone in government know about the background of this huge alien presence?

The calendar of European decline begins not with last month’s referendum in Britain or the unrest in Turkey. For the Germans at least it probably started on New Year’s Eve in Cologne when hundreds of women were sexually assaulted by migrant workers and asylum seekers.

Informatio­n was initially withheld by the authoritie­s because they did not want to admit that the state could no longer cope.

The tensions could be concealed as long as they were restricted to the Muslim bullying of Christians in overcrowde­d gym halls that doubled as refugee dormitorie­s.

Now, the problems are tumbling into the streets, into public space.

Brexit, of course, has become a symbol of the fragmentat­ion that could strike the whole continent; a leading European power seemingly no longer behind

European solutions to European problems.

That made the French and the Germans angry with us for leaving.

Soon, though, that anger will turn on their own leaders.

Eight out of ten French people, according to a new survey, would accept limitation on their civil liberties to combat terrorism at home.

That’s music to the ears of the far right. Their guiding maxim has always been that the price of a diversifie­d society is diminished individual freedom.

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