Election tests Modi’s campaign to remake India as a Hindu-first nation
The challenger arrived with police vehicles, a band of drummers and the backing of India’s powerful Prime Minister. The crowd joined him in fullthroated chants of glory to the Hindu god Ram: “Jai Shree Ram!”
He brought a warning: If Hindus did not unite around him, even their most basic religious practices would be in danger in the face of Muslim appeasement.
In another part of town, the incumbent took the stage in a wheelchair, the result of what she said was a politically motivated assault. Although her injuries kept her from stalking the stage in her white sari and sandals as usual, she still regaled the audience with taunts for the opposition. And she had a warning of her own: Her defeat would be a victory for an ideology that has no place for minorities like Muslims.
The month-long election unfolding in the eastern Indian state of West Bengal is deeply personal. Mamata Banerjee, the state’s chief minister for the past decade, is facing off against her former protege of 20 years, Suvendu Adhikari.
He and dozens of other local leaders have defected from her party and are now allied with Narendra Modi, India’s Prime Minister.
But the heated vote could indicate something broader: Whether anybody can stop Modi’s movement to reshape India’s secular republic into a Hindu-first nation.
Modi’s campaign is growing beyond its base in northern India, bringing him national and state victories. His Bharatiya Janata Party has reduced the main opposition group, the Indian National Congress, to a shadow of its past glory, pushing the country toward becoming a oneparty democracy.
West Bengal represents a test of Modi’s Hindu nationalist reach. The state of 90 million people remains deeply proud of its indigenous culture and tolerance of minorities. It is run by a strong regional leader with the heft and profile to challenge Modi directly.
Even if the BJP loses when results are announced May 2, a strong showing would help Modi signal that his party could be nearly unstoppable, said Vinay Sitapati, a professor of political science at Ashoka University who has chronicled the rise of the BJP.
“They would have shown that the BJP is an all-India party, that our Hindu nationalism is capable of vernacular adaptation,” Sitapati said. “And that is a powerful symbol.”
Modi has put his brand front and centre. He has travelled to West Bengal about a dozen times for packed rallies even as coronavirus cases rise. His face is all over the place, leading one BJP worker to joke that he seems to be running for chief minister.
Modi and his lieutenants paint Banerjee as someone who has appeased Muslims, who make up about one-quarter of the state’s population, at the expense of the Hindu majority.
If she is re-elected, they say, she will turn West Bengal into another Bangladesh or Pakistan, where Hindu minorities are increasingly persecuted.
“If you don’t stamp on Lotus,” Adhikari said at a recent rally, referring to marking the logo of the BJP on local ballots, “how will we be able to even celebrate the birth of Lord Ram here?”
Banerjee’s Trinamool Congress party has tried to frame the BJP as outsiders who do not understand her state’s rich culture and have come to sow division. Her campaign slogan: “Bengal chooses its own daughter.”
Much of her campaign is built on her reputation as a tart-tongued political street fighter. Sympathisers with the local Communist Party once even beat her head with metal rods. She trounced the Communists in elections nevertheless.
Last month, in the midst of a jostling crowd, a car door slammed on Banerjee’s leg. She declared the incident a politically motivated attack, a contention her opponents have questioned. Still, her party has made her cast a symbol of a leader putting her body on the line for her cause.
Banerjee’s iron grip over state politics looms over the vote. The BJP is trying to ride anti-incumbent sentiment fuelled by her party’s corruption scandals and the way its members have used extortion and violence to keep power.
But Adhikari and many of the BJP’s local candidates for the state’s 294-seat local assembly were themselves, until recently, members of her party. After decades of heavyhandedness by the Communists and Banerjee, Modi’s party began actively expanding in West Bengal only after he became Prime Minister in 2014, though its infrastructure is still lacking. One joke in the state holds that Trinamool will win a third term even if the BJP prevails.
Banerjee’s success could depend on convincing voters that her party’s bad apples now work for the BJP. The BJP’s dependence on Trinamool defectors has also led to a revolt among local Modi supporters who saw their presence as an insult to their years of work in the face of intimidation by the same people now chosen to represent them.
One defector, an 89-year-old assembly member named Rabindranath Bhattacharya, said he had switched parties only because Banerjee did not nominate him to serve a fifth term.
“I changed my party, but I am not changed,” Bhattacharya said in an interview at his house. Trinamool flags still hung from the trees and gate.
His candidacy moved hundreds of BJP workers and supporters to pressure Bhattacharya to step aside. They went on a hunger strike, painted over party signs and ransacked the home of the local BJP chief.
“We started here when no one dared speak as a BJP member,” said Gautam Modak, who has worked for the BJP in the district since 2003. “He got the party ticket three days after joining the BJP.”
Adhikari has said he defected from Banerjee’s camp because she and her nephew and heir-apparent, Abhishek Banerjee, do not share power. Still, in recent rallies he has put greater emphasis on identity politics, ending with chants of “Jai Shree Ram!”
Voting took place last Sunday in the town of Nandigram, a lush agricultural area, and both candidates were there.
At rallies, crowds energised by their moment of power over sometimes abusive politicians braved the heat to listen, cheer and support. Turnout totalled 88 per cent.