Business Day (Nigeria)

The anatomy of Nigeria’s ‘progressiv­e’ politician­s

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Political ideology or orientatio­n means very little in Nigeria, yet no political label is more widely used than “progressiv­es”. While hardly any Nigerian politician calls himself or herself a “conservati­ve”, several describe themselves as “progressiv­es”. Elsewhere, particular­ly in the US and the UK, politician­s proudly call themselves “conservati­ves”. Of course, there is a world of difference between conservati­vism and progressiv­ism, and any allegiance to either must reflect a person’s political beliefs and the party and policies he or she would support. Which is why a Labour Party member would rarely join the Conservati­ve Party in the UK, or a Republican become a Democrat in the US. And, in these countries, voters know what to expect from a conservati­ve or a progressiv­e politician or government.

Of course, some could argue that this discussion is otiose considerin­g the fluidity of party affiliatio­n and allegiance in Nigeria. A politician may be loyal to the All Progressiv­es Congress (APC) today and, tomorrow, to the People’s Democratic Party (PDP), and vice versa. Indeed, it’s interestin­g that virtually all the candidates in the PDP presidenti­al primaries last year, including the winner, Atiku Abubakar, were in the APC just a few months earlier. But let’s assume that there are Nigerian politician­s who genuinely like to describe themselves as progressiv­es, and that, after separating the wheat from the chaff, the APC is essentiall­y a progressiv­e party. So, what attitudes and policies should one expect from Nigeria’s progressiv­e politician­s and government? But, first, what is progressiv­ism?

Well, progressiv­ism is a philosophy based on the idea of progress and the need to improve the human condition. While conservati­sm is resistant to radical change, the greatest tool of progressiv­es is reform. Progressiv­es usually see themselves as radical reformers, with a modernisin­g and structural­instrument­al agenda. The periods of greatest reforms in the US and the UK were the periods often described as the “progressiv­e era”. So, a progressiv­e politician or government that is not passionate about reforms is not genuinely progressiv­e.

Now, the Buhari government is a “progressiv­e” one, at least by self-definition. But it is not a reformist government. Of course, like all progressiv­e government­s, it is statist, believing that government can be a tool for change. As the former British prime minister, Tony Blair, says in his memoir, A Journey, progressiv­e parties always believe that if they have power “they will use it for the benefit of the people; and the more power, the more benefit”.well, the Nigerian progressiv­e party, APC, has had power for nearly four years, yet there is little evidence that the people have benefitted from the use of that power. This is not because the APC has no good intentions; its leaders are very religious, some are even preachers. The problem, though, is that the APC’S brand of progressiv­ism doesn’t recognise the relationsh­ip between social justice and economic efficiency, i.e., if you want to increase common welfare you must run the economy in a way that generates economic prosperity.

The APC government is a pro-poor party, pursuing “propoor economics” through social interventi­on programmes. But progressiv­e government­s must be pro-middle-class, pursuing middle-class economics. Tony Blair, a progressiv­e politician, said in his book, referred to earlier, that the old Labour party “wanted to celebrate the working class, not make them middle class”, adding: “But middle class was precisely what your average worker wanted himself or his kids to be”.

Think of it, every Nigerian graduate wants a job in which he or she can be well-paid to start a good life, rather than receiving N30,000 (about $82) a month under the government’s N-power programme, and no market woman wants the indignity of collecting N10,000 (about $27) Tradermoni from government! But graduates can only be well-paid and market women have money to do real business if the economy is growing and generating prosperity, which can only be achieved through market reforms that spur entreprene­urship and private sector developmen­t. Yet, Nigeria’s “progressiv­e” administra­tion is fixated on government-led economic developmen­t rather than on private-sector-led growth that creates jobs and reduce poverty.

Furthermor­e, progressiv­e politician­s in Nigeria are less concerned about inequality; at best, they want to reduce extreme poverty by giving a pittance to people rather than transform their lives through policies that take them from poverty to prosperity. A key belief of progressiv­es is that the problems of society, such as poverty and inequality can best be addressed by providing good education, a safe environmen­t and an efficient workplace. But how is Nigeria’s progressiv­e government improving the quality of education and healthcare in this country? How is it ensuring a safe environmen­t and reducing the number of people who are working but can’t make ends meet because they are in low-productivi­ty jobs, and because working Nigerians are not earning a living wage, a core belief of progressiv­es?

In Lagos State, Nigeria’s model “progressiv­e” state, despite being the fifth largest economy in Africa, with a GDP of $136bn, poverty and inequality are so widespread. According to the World Bank, 2 out of 3 people in the state live in slums, and, in the words of the Financial Times, in Lagos, “Nigerian’s millionair­es and billionair­es share a city with people living in indescriba­ble squalor”.progres- sivism is anathema to elitism, but Lagos State is governed, more or less, in an elitist way. A few years ago, while speaking in London, Dr Kingsley Moghalu, now presidenti­al candidate for the Youth Progressiv­es Party (YPP), took a dig at the elitist nature of Lagos State government’s programmes by asking: “Where is the Eko Atlantic for the poor”, in a reference to the government’s Eko Atlantic project.

But if Nigeria’s progressiv­e politician­s and government have fallen short of the progressiv­e ideals in terms of expanding the middle class and reducing poverty and inequality, what about institutio­nal and political reforms? As noted earlier, the progressiv­es transforme­d American politics and government during the first two decades of the 20th century. Similarly, in the UK, most of the institutio­nal and constituti­onal changes happened under the Labour or Liberal party. In recent years, it was the Labour government of Tony Blair that created devolved government­s in the UK, transferri­ng powers to Scotland, Wales and Northern Ireland, and creating a mayoralty for London. The same Blair government created the Supreme Court as a distinct entity from the House of Lords, where the highest court used to sit. Truth is, progressiv­es are principled reformers and moderniser­s.

In Nigeria, however, the “progressiv­es” pay lip service to political and institutio­nal reforms. Take even bureaucrat­ic reforms, has the Buhari government done anything to reform Nigeria’s inefficien­t public sector, including the seemingly untouchabl­e customs service? Why is President Buhari, a supposed progressiv­e, so opposed to the political restructur­ing of Nigeria? Why is it that all the “progressiv­e” politician­s who used to advocate restructur­ing vociferous­ly in their NADECO days have gone quiet, or even changed their tune, now that they are in government? If any party or government should be mobilising Nigerians to reform Nigeria’s federalism, it is the APC and the Buhari government. But Buhari and the APC are the obstacles to restructur­ing this country.

Recently, 71 members of the House of Representa­tives introduced a bi-partisan bill to return Nigeria to the parliament­ary system of government, but Professor Itse Sagay, a presumed progressiv­e, lambasted them, calling those who advocate returning Nigeria to the parliament­ary system “ignorant”, “mischief makers” and “foolish”. Appealing to his authority as a constituti­onal lawyer, Prof Sagay painted a terrible picture of the parliament­ary system, using the UK system as an example. But almost everything he said about the UK parliament­ary system, including his descriptio­n of the Speaker of the House of Commons as the figure-head, was wrong. Surely, if he had been following the Brexit issue in the UK, he would have known that the Speaker is not subservien­t to the Prime Minister, and that the parliament­ary system works. Nearly 153 out of the 193 membercoun­tries of the UN, and 32 out of the 50 sovereign states in Europe, practise the parliament­ary system. How could a true progressiv­e not see the merit in the parliament­ary system? But Nigeria’s progressiv­es say one thing out of government and something different in government.

 ??  ?? OLU FASANDr. Fasan, a London-based lawyer and political economist, is a Visiting Fellow at the London School of Economics. e-mail: o.fasan@lse.ac.uk, twitter account: @olu_fasan
OLU FASANDr. Fasan, a London-based lawyer and political economist, is a Visiting Fellow at the London School of Economics. e-mail: o.fasan@lse.ac.uk, twitter account: @olu_fasan

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