Business Day (Nigeria)

Green parties emerge as big winners in European Parliament elections

Bloc has historical­ly sought to punch above its weight in parliament

- JIM BRUNSDEN

The Greens may only have come fourth in Sunday’s European Parliament elections, but no one in Brussels was in any doubt about the scale of their victory.

After years of operating from the periphery of the EU’S corridors of power, the parliament’s Green group has secured enough seats to make itself a near-essential partner in any functionin­g coalition.

Bolstered by an exceptiona­l result in Germany, where only Angela Merkel’s Christian Democrats won more seats, and a strong third-placed finish in France, the Greens increased the number of their MEPS by almost 40 per cent at the same time as the parliament’s main centre-left and centre-right groups shrank.

The upshot, parliament chiefs acknowledg­e, is that its 69 MEPS are crucial to forming a pro-eu alliance in the assembly that can shape and implement the agenda of the next European Commission.

While, mathematic­ally, the parliament’s centre-right, centre-left and liberal groups could try to work together without the Greens, the majority would be fragile, and highly vulnerable to internal splits.

Ska Keller, the Green group’s copresiden­t, said the result was “a man

date for change in the European Union” and that the Greens now had “a great responsibi­lity” to “put that trust into action”.

The Greens’ opportunit­y to shape the agenda stems from the rules that govern the appointmen­t of the next president of the European Commission, the EU’S executive arm. The new president must secure the assembly’s approval before taking office. Parliament also has a binding say over almost all areas of EU policymaki­ng.

Having had little presence over the years in the commission’s political college, or around the summit table of EU leaders, the Greens have sought to punch above their weight in the parliament.

The group’s limited size has meant that it has focused on securing targeted victories on draft laws, either by striking a hard bargain for its support when the assembly was evenly split, or by successful­ly harnessing the weight of public opinion.

It was a strategy that secured notable victories, and not just in the field of climate change. Bank lobbyists grudgingly acknowledg­e the skill with which the Greens rode a wave of public fury after the 2008 financial crisis to secure an Eu-wide cap on banker bonuses, overriding objections from the UK government.

But for Philippe Lamberts, the Greens’ other co-president, the group is now well positioned to enjoy greater influence. “We have been in a transactio­nal mode so far,” he told the Financial Times. “Now we have the chance to be in a more stable relationsh­ip [with other political groups]. We want to be closer to the source of the legislatio­n.”

Whether that relationsh­ip comes about depends on other groups, and prospectiv­e candidates for the commission presidency, bowing to its demands.

Green policy priorities include more climate taxes and a sea-change in the bloc’s approach to negotiatin­g trade deals — one that would prioritise the alignment of environmen­tal and labour standards over market opening.

It will also depend on how the group handles reservatio­ns about coalition deals among its most prominent members. During the election campaign, Yannick Jadot, the leader of the French Greens, publicly ruled out an alliance with the centre-right European People’s party, but Sunday’s results mean it is difficult to see how a majority could be formed without the EPP.

Mr Lamberts said a key priority for the Greens in any arrangemen­t would be that the group secures “fundamenta­l”, bankable concession­s on policy.

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