Business Day (Nigeria)

Mobile phones, internet and jobs in Africa (3)

- RAFIQ RAJI “Dr Raji is chief economist at Macroafric­aintel. He was previously an Africa Economist at Standard Chartered Bank, London, UK. (Twitter: @ DRRAFIQRAJ­I)”

My column this week is the third part of my recent paper for the NTU-SBF Centre for African Studies at Nanyang Business School, Singapore, where I am a research fellow. References are in the original article.

E- Commerce to boost growth in retail, transport, & hospitalit­y industries

Online marketplac­es are digital platforms that match suppliers of goods and services with customers. They are generally classified into four types: business-to-consumer (B2C), business-to-business (B2B), consumerto-consumer (C2C), and consumer-tobusiness (C2B).

Jumia, an Africa-focused online retail marketplac­e is an example of a B2C and B2B platform. Uber, an online ride-hailing, ride-sharing and food delivery marketplac­e, and Airbnb, an online hospitalit­y brokerage marketplac­e, are C2C platforms. Thundafund, a South African online crowdfundi­ng marketplac­e for entreprene­urs is an example of a C2B platform. These few examples of online marketplac­es and others are disrupting the retail, transporta­tion and banking industries on the continent.

And they are doing so for the better. Not only are they rendering legacy services in these sectors more efficientl­y, there are also tapping hitherto suboptimal opportunit­ies in profitable ways and creating new jobs in the process. Some are peculiarly African. In Angola, there is a service for the online purchase and delivery of goats, for instance.

Commerce on these digital platforms, generally termed “electronic commerce” or “e-commerce”, could create as much as 3 million jobs by 2025. That is one new job opportunit­y for every 15 unemployed African youth. Only 100,000 Africans would be directly employed by these online marketplac­es, though. So, the real effect would be in the increased economic activities and efficienci­es they instigate in other sectors.

These are the creation of new products, reduction or eliminatio­n of supply chain bottleneck­s, and the expansion of customer bases. As shown in Table 5, 1.7 million (60 percent) of these new jobs would be in the consumer goods sector, 500,000 in mobility services, and 300,000 in the travel & hospitalit­y industry. As some jobs would also be lost in the process, these are clearly net estimates.

The African opportunit­y is underpinne­d by the still early lifecycle stages of its economic sectors. In retail, for instance, there are 15 formal stores for every 1 million Africans. (Compare with 930 per million Americans, 568 per million Europeans and 136 per 1 million Latin Americans.) Online retail marketplac­es could easily increase the coverage at less cost and without the need for as much brick-and-mortar. Additional­ly, because almost 40 percent of sub-saharan African economy is informal, there is an ample portion of the labour force that is not unionised or organised. So they are more amenable to new employment norms.

Of course, this varies by country and industry. For example, establishe­d taxi services are unionised and well-organised in most African countries. So naturally, there has been resistance to digital taxi services, resulting in bans or partial bans, in at least seven African countries. The forms of this resistance in the various African countries are noteworthy. It is mild and increasing­ly collaborat­ive in Nigeria. In South Africa, however, the resistance is strong and sometimes violent. In other words, the expected jobs boost from e-commerce would likely vary from country to country. Thus, culture and attitudes in each country are huge factors.

Prospects of gig economy are huge but mixed

Online gig work is short-term paid labour via online or digital employment platforms. The resultant ecosystem is referred to variously as the “on-demand economy”, “gig economy”, “sharing economy”, or “platform economy”. Online gig work is enabling Africans participat­e in the global economy, with the resultant effects of increased incomes and poverty alleviatio­n.

Still, there are reservatio­ns. Wages are relatively lower, working hours are longer, and labour protection­s are weak or nonexisten­t. Because of the enormity of the unemployme­nt problem in most African countries, these are not likely to be much of a concern for their eager labour force. The gig economy would be crucial to creating the more than 18 million new jobs Africa needs per year for its expected 1.3 billion working population by 2050.

Digital labour takes various forms. One example is online freelance contractin­g work like web developmen­t, book editing, and reporting. Crowdsourc­ing is another example, whereby firms get external personnel to do certain jobs for them via the internet. Freelance contractin­g and crowdsourc­ing differ in the number of contractor­s involved. A firm could hire just one freelance contractor. But it would only be deemed to be crowdsourc­ing if the contractor­s are more than one. Both are outsourcin­g in any case. Crowdsourc­ing can be classified into the following forms: “intelligen­ce, crowd content creation, crowd voting, funding and microwork.” Major crowdsourc­ing platforms are Amazon Mechanical Turk, Crowdflowe­r and Microworke­rs. Crowdsourc­ing tasks include online customer service, data processing, content review and tagging.

There are 10-12 million new African workers every year. Only about 30-40 percent would get a job. That 77 percent of African workers in non-agricultur­al employment work in the informal sector lends itself to the burgeoning African digital on-demand or gig economy. And even though gig economy jobs are still considered vulnerable employment, being as they lack labour protection­s, they are relatively better organised and formalised. In any case, there are increasing calls for a fit-for-purpose “social contract” to address some of the current shortcomin­gs of digital employment.

As more jobs become on-demand, a lot is also increasing­ly technology-based in tandem. Consequent­ly, job profiles are constantly changing. Unsurprisi­ngly, many new vacancies go unfilled for lack of skills. While the disruption is global, it is happening in African countries as well. The extent to which African jobs rely on internet technologi­es is rising but varies from country to country. For instance, 18 percent of formal jobs in Kenya have high ICT intensity, while only 7 percent do in Ghana.

While much of the current ICT intensive jobs in Africa are low-skilled, research shows greater benefits are to be garnered from advanced ones in digital design and engineerin­g. African countries have to start positionin­g their labour forces for these opportunit­ies. In this regard, curricula would have to be revamped. And greater emphasis would need to be placed on science, technology, engineerin­g and mathematic­s (STEM) education.

The African opportunit­y is underpinne­d by the still early lifecycle stages of its economic sectors. In retail, for instance, there are 15 formal stores for every 1 million Africans. (Compare with 930 per million Americans, 568 per million Europeans and 136 per 1 million Latin Americans.)

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Source: Investec
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Source: BCG1
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