Business Day (Nigeria)

Stop saying that we ‘privatised’ power - we did no such thing

- DAVID HUNDEYIN David Hundeyin is a writer, travel addict and JOURNALIST MAJORING IN POLITICS, TECH AND FINANCE. HE TWEETS @DAVIDHUNDE­YIN.

Over the weekend, I watched an investigat­ive documentar­y on the fall of Kenya Airways from being one of the most profitable companies in East Africa to becoming a basket case in need of a taxpayer bailout. The documentar­y, produced by Kenya’s finest investigat­ive journalist John Allan Namu focused on the questionab­le decisions made at board level while executing the ill-fated “Project Mawingu.”

Project Mawingu was essentiall­y a brainwave hatched by the management of Kenya Airways in 2010 which had the goal of more than tripling its fleet size and operations to over 100 aircraft flying to 77 destinatio­ns. Using little more than optimistic business projection­s and green candle graphs promising growth and strong cashflows, the airline embarked on a foolhardy campaign of borrowing to fund unsustaina­ble expansion and questionab­le financing mechanisms.

Among other things, a deal to buy 10 Embraer E-190 narrow body jets was routed through a company with untraceabl­e ownership registered in the Cayman Islands which obtained the bank loan, bought the aircraft and leased them to the airline. Under the leasing agreement, the airline had to pay off the bank debt and then pay this murky company to lease its aircraft, a move which reportedly added more than $400,000 to the cost of each aircraft. Unsurprisi­ngly, within a year, the airline began bleeding copious amount of cash, breaking its own record for the heaviest financial year losses in Kenyan history in 2015 and 2016.

Now, with the added impact of the COVID- 19 pandemic and associated reduced flight volumes, KQ will shortly be taken over by the Kenyan government, and its losses will be charged to the Kenyan taxpayer. Expectedly, to many within Africa’s multitude of statist-socialistc­ommunist types, this is great news. Not only does a symbol of “national pride” come back under public control after being privatised in 1996, but it also offers a handy propaganda victory - “Private ownership does not mean better run!”

There is of course, one very glaring problem with this narrative.

Corporatis­ation is not privatisat­ion

According to the dictionary definition­s, privatisat­ion is the transfer of publicly owned entities into private hands, while corporatis­ation is the reorganisa­tion of public entities into corporatio­ns so as to improve efficiency by mimicking private business structures. Technicall­y under this definition, the government liabilitie­s we sometimes proclaim as “privatised” on this continent are indeed privately owned. Kenya Airways for example, had 51 percent of its shares on public offer, with the Kenyan government and KLM splitting the remaining 49 percent in a 26:23 ratio.

Something similar happened with the “sale” of the newly created power distributi­on companies in 2014. While the new investors got 60 percent of the company shares, the federal government retained 40 percent shareholdi­ng in every DISCO it “sold.” Technicall­y this is privatisat­ion, but in actual fact it could more accurately be described as mere corporatis­ation with increased private participat­ion. The Nigerian government corporatis­ed the structure of the Power Holding Company of Nigeria (PHCN) and broke it up into Generation Companies (GenCos), Distributi­on Companies (DisCos) and Transmissi­on Companies (Transcos). It then parcelled out a 60 percent ownership share in each one to private investors and took their money “for vanishing,” so to speak.

In fact, with the exception of the 60 percent private shareholdi­ng in the DISCOS, the entirety of Nigeria’s power sector remains firmly and overwhelmi­ngly in the hands of the government. The generation and transmissi­on of power is not controlled by the private sector. The pricing of the distribute­d product which should be the purview of the DISCOS is directly set by the Nigeria Electricit­y Regulatory Commission (NERC). The entire purpose of inviting private capital into the DISCO space was to perform the motions of privatisat­ion without actually doing it.

Performanc­e- privatisat­ion is the new trick

Make no mistake about it - the ideologica­l war for Nigeria’s economic soul which started in the 1970s - state control vs private enterprise - is still very much yet to be decided. The same characters from 4 decades ago are still knocking about and doing everything in their power to frustrate any efforts to privatise public liabilitie­s and open up Nigeria’s economy to actual capitalism. One of the tenets of the ideology that still fights this war is that “privatisat­ion does not work.”

Setting up power sector privatisat­ion to fail by corporatis­ing aspects of the power value chain while maintainin­g full control over the entire sector is a way to ensure that the inevitable failure and collapse of the DISCOS will be blamed on the convenient capitalist bogeyman of “corrupt businessme­n” and “unpatrioti­c profiteers”.

When African government­s decide to do privatisat­ion correctly, the results are always positive, and spectacula­rly so. When they however use the Kenya Airways and PHCN DISCO model to entrench their presence while supposedly making the company “private,” the results are always unmistakab­le. I am writing this so that when - inevitably - the distributi­on companies finally run out of debt- financed runway and collapse, leading to a fresh round of nationalis­ed assets, it will be on record that some of us know exactly what game is being played here.

It is not as if these old men have learned any new tricks in 40 odd years.

Setting up power sector privatisat­ion to fail by corporatis­ing aspects of the power value chain while maintainin­g full control over the entire sector is a way to ensure that the inevitable failure and collapse of the DISCOS will be blamed on the convenient capitalist bogeyman of corrupt businessme­n and unpatrioti­c profiteers

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