Daily Trust Sunday

No easy trek

- With Dan Agbese 0805500191­2 (SMS only)

President Olusegun Obasanjo recently harped on the challenges of nationbuil­ding, among other critical challenges our country faces at the current bend in its long and no easy trek to that nation of our collective dreams – safe, united, prosperous and in the vanguard of the black man’s liberation.

Nation-building is a monumental challenge. The good thing is that it is a work in progress. A nation that refuses to constantly rebuild itself risks being left behind in the west while the rest of the world marches on towards the east. Nation-building may take the form of radical or revolution­ary changes and it may take merely tweaking the system to reset the nation back on course in response to domestic and global developmen­ts.

After reading his speech, the best he has delivered in recent times in my view, I took a stroll down the greying memory lane to check on our records in nation-building since the British left us to our devices on October 1, 1960. I found many things that pleasantly surprised me. Our leaders have not generally done badly.

I found that our political leaders, in and out of uniform, have not been remiss in taking on the huge challenges of nationbuil­ding. Each of them wanted a nation rebuilt on equity, fairness and justice; a nation not in the abstract sense of geography but one in a humane sense in which all citizens recognise their brotherhoo­d and their responsibi­lities to one another.

I found that in responding to the challenges of nation-building our leaders, particular­ly those in uniform, indulged in experiment­s, some of which, well-meant as they were, left the nation confused and ultimately in a lurch. In many instances, the solutions became problems and hobbled the nation-building effort. I found that much of the efforts were victims of cynicism, ambivalenc­e, poor commitment to see them through and inexplicab­le self-sabotage.

Let me give you a brief catalogue of our nation-building efforts from January 1966 when the majors struck. Our first military ruler, the late Major-General J.T.U. AguiyiIron­si, anxious to put his stamp on a new nation rebuilt from the confused system bequeathed to us by the British, abolished the federal system of government and replaced it with a unitary system. He was responding to what he believed Nigerians and the nation itself needed: a single government with unified public services in place of a multiplici­ty of government­s.

His radical change did not stand the test of time. It turned out in the end that what Nigerians wanted was a multiplici­ty of government­s, hence the current 811 government­s. Lt-Col (as he was then) Yakubu Gowon who succeeded Ironsi as head of state on August 1, 1966, took a different view of nation building and gave effect to it with the balkanizat­ion of the four regions into twelve states. From a federation of four regions, the country made a leap to a federation of twelve states. Gowon, of course, responded to the lingering agitation by the minorities for a breath of freedom from the overbearin­g majority tribes, each of which dominated the four regions.

It turned out that that simple path towards nation-building fuelled a rash in the creation of more and more states as an all-time cure for all our political ills. We arrived incrementa­lly at the 36-state structure. And then the states, according to the late Chief Obafemi Awolowo, became glorified local government­s. Matters would have been much worse if President Goodluck Jonathan had implemente­d the recommenda­tions of his national conference and created additional 18 states. With 811 government­s depending largely on the country’s crude oil earnings, the nation is unable to take giant strides; thus the solution has become a huge problem in the management of our resources.

Sometime during the military regime, someone dragged out of the dictionary a long, fifteen-letter world called marginalis­ation. It became a new weapon in the contest for how the national cake is shared among, not just among the constituen­t units of the federation, but also the teaming, rainbow collection of tribes. Gowon responded to this with the policy of quota system intended to give the states and the tribes a chance at the feeding trough. This was later formalised in the constituti­onal creation of the Federal Character Commission with the responsibi­lity to monitor and ensure that all federal agencies comply with its provisions. It was a pragmatic response to a fractious nation. It is an essential block in nationbuil­ding.

The constituti­on broadly stipulates how the national cake should be done, as in the compositio­n of the federal government should reflect the federal structure. This means it is a constituti­onal requiremen­t by a Nigerian president to ensure that all the states are represente­d in is cabinet. Arguably, this would ensure that every state has a voice in all decisions taken by the government. You cannot build a nation without uniting the people.

In the constantly changing kaleidosco­pe of nation-building, we have tried to superimpos­e on the states a zonal system for managing our diversitie­s. The six geopolitic­al zones are not in the constituti­on but they represent non-constituti­onal efforts at nation-building because they too are intend to effectivel­y moderate and manage our permanent political struggles for comparativ­e political advantages. But this too has become a sheer victim of the capacity of our political leaders to speak from both sides of the mouth and apply solutions as a matter of group convenienc­e.

General Gowon took one of the most radical steps towards nation-building with the creation of the National Youth Service Corps in 1974. He based his action on a simple logic. If the youths are the future leaders of the country, then the country must take steps to expose them to the diversitie­s and the challenges of the country it would be theirs to govern sooner or later. The NYSC was a know-your-country programme. Its has remained relevant all these years. We may not be able to quantify its benefits and relevance to nation-building but the fact that in a nation notorious for policy summersaul­ts it has survived every government, khaki or baban riga attests to the fact that Gowon got it right.

The anti-graft war is part of the process of our nation-building effort. A nation in the grip of corruption cannot make much progress because corruption fouls up everything. We have not had much success with this aspect of our nation building. The more the crack of the AK-47 is heard in the war to put the corrupt out of business, the fewer are the casualties. Aided and abetted by ambivalenc­e on the part of the war commanders, it must go down as the most frustratin­g war in human history.

We don try.

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