Daily Trust

Democracy at 20: Strength as weakness

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captivity. Over a month ago after a 21-day ultimatum, electricit­y workers in Nigeria went on a one day legitimate strike (on December 11), to press home demand for unpaid severance allowances, salaries and pensions owed 50,000 former employees of the defunct Power Holding Company of Nigeria (PHCN) before the country privatized its power sector in 2013. That is the strength of democracy. Compared this to what Amartya Sen calls “unfreedom”. To organize for alternativ­e views was criminaliz­ed by the military. In 1989 the late senior Advocate Gani Fahemihm together with some activities stormed Micheal Imoudu Hall of NLC labour House at Yaba Lagos to offer alternativ­e policies to the notorious SAP (Structural Adjusment Policy).

The reaction of the military dictatorsh­ip was predictabl­e brutal: armed policemen sealed up NLC Secretaria­t and the Hall of discourse. Many newspapers notably the Guardian and Punch newspapers were arbitraril­y shut down under the military regimes. The point cannot therefore be overstated that 20 years of democracy has promoted freedom. We must keep the memory alive not just for the young but not- so-young -to -forget that: Never again should any group trample under feet constituti­onalism and rule Nigerians without their democratic mandate. It’s not just that military rule is not fashionabl­e (as apologists of dictatorsh­ip want us to believe!) but precisely because it’s undesirabl­e because it denies freedom, the basic success factor for sustainabl­e and participat­ory developmen­t.

The critical question however is what we make of democracy. Freedom (democracy) must be means to developmen­t as much as an end. The immediate past National Chairman of the All Progressiv­es Congress (APC), Chief John Odigie- Oyegun, at the Dialogue put it even better. He said there was no doubt that democracy has come to stay but at “... the risk of being misinterpr­eted, ... there is hardly a single administra­tion in those 20 years that has not left office unpopular and unheralded,”. “We have never asked ourselves the question why are our people getting increasing­ly unhappy with their governors within those 20 years. Why are they getting poorer, why are they losing hope, those are the questions I think pose a threat to our democracy because today we are beginning to hear rumblings that we didn’t hear before”.

The strength of democracy is proving to be its weakness! Democracy must go with the responsibi­lity to deliver good governance. People are angry not so much because of harsh policies but the insensitiv­ity with which they are imposed on the people. Policies should be by the people for the people not at the people by governors and presidents notwithsta­nding the good intensions. Nigerian government­s at all levels must adopt consensual participat­ory gradualist approach to policy reforms instead of the current shock therapy approach creates more problems and even policy doubts.

The recent controvers­ies that trailed the attempt by Nigerian Electricit­y Regulatory Commission (NERC) to increase end-user tariffs for electricit­y, applicatio­n of Integrated Payroll and Personnel Informatio­n System (IPPIS) in the Universiti­es, proposed reintroduc­tion of toll gates by Ministry of works and the insistence of Unified Tertiary Matriculat­ion Examinatio­n (UTME) that candidates for the forthcomin­g 2020 must acquire National Identifica­tion Number (NIN) or forfeit their chance of sitting for the examinatio­n, are examples of shock therapy approaches to reforms. I hail the decision of the Registrar of the Joint Admissions and Matriculat­ion Board (JAMB), Prof. Ishaq Oloyede on Saturday, to suspend the use of the National Identity Number (NIN), for the 2020 Unified Tertiary Matriculat­ion Examinatio­n (UTME). Other agencies should demonstrat­e similar sensitivit­y to the plight of stakeholde­rs in policy formulatio­n and policy implementa­tion.

The lesson from JAMB/ NIN saga is that Nigeria must sequence reforms with time lines for stakeholde­rs to appreciate rationale for policies and even make their inputs known. Public Policies should be for Stakeholde­rs by Stakeholde­rs with genuine partnershi­p at all levels as envisaged by Sustainabl­e Developmen­t Goals of 2030. The recent controvers­ies following the ‘Operation Amotekun’ by south west states underscore­s the need for participat­ory democracy. Why should bills and laws not precede establishm­ent of any security outfit that have far reaching implicatio­ns in a diverse Republic?

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