The Guardian (Nigeria)

‘Hate speech bill is unlawful, illegal, unconstitu­tional and undemocrat­ic’

Human rights crusader and lawyer, Chief Malcom Omirhobo in this interview with Assistant Editor, Law and Foreign Affairs, JOSEPH ONYEKWERE, shares his view on the social media control and hate speech bills, the judiciary as well as the increasing level of

-

What is your reaction to the effort by the Federal Government to control social media through the National Assembly?

JURISPRUDE­NTIALLY, law is not static; it is dynamic and evolving with the society to meet with social needs. In Nigeria, most of our laws are obsolete, and more so, there are social challenges that are new to us as a country that need to be regulated by laws. As such, it is proper, lawful and constituti­onal for the National Assembly to make laws regulating social media in Nigeria provided it is in line with the demands of the constituti­on; the grund norm and the supreme law of the land, which binds all authoritie­s, and persons throughout the Federal Republic of Nigeria and which gives validity to every other law in force in Nigeria. Emphatical­ly speaking, any law passed by the National Assembly which is inconsiste­nt with the Nigerian constituti­on shall be to the extent of such inconsiste­ncy null and void.

A lot of Nigerians are apprehensi­ve that such law is intended to be used to gag free speech by a government that is perceived as being highly intolerant of dissenting views. What is your opinion on that?

Yes, Nigerians are very correct to be apprehensi­ve. Looking at the hate speech bill and its proposed death penalty for offenders, it is a sheer waste of time, energy and resources. It shows that the Nigerian government lacks knowledge of already existing laws, lacks confidence, sense of direction, discernmen­t and the will power to save the country from failing completely because as it stands today, Nigeria is 85 percent failed and the only thing that is keeping us together as a country is the coercion of the Nigeria military. For crying out loud, the government should be concerned about bills devolving powers from the centre to the component states of the federation, bills that will make the fundamenta­l objectives and directive principles of state policy in the constituti­on justiciabl­e, bills that will ensure that the Nigerian judiciary is independen­t for the observance of the rule of law and so on and so forth. The death sentence proposed by the hate speech bill is unnecessar­y because there are several laws in Nigeria adequately taking care of what the hate speech bill intends to achieve . For instance, under the criminal and penal code, it is crystal clear that, if a person whether within or outside Nigeria conspires with a person in Nigeria to carry out an act that leads to the death of another person, the person who conspired, the person who actually carried out the act and the person who aided and assisted in the act are all guilty of the offence of murder punishable by death . With the extant laws of the land, the death sentence proposed by the hate speech bill, which makes Nigerians to think of being sentenced to death each time they want to express themselves is superfluou­s and undue interferen­ce with their freedom of expression, a calculated attempt by the government to gag the press and witchhunt opposition and therefore must not be allowed to be passed into law by the National Assembly because it is unlawful, illegal, unconstitu­tional and undemocrat­ic.

What are your yardsticks of arriving at 85 percent failed state status?

The yardsticks for my arriving at the conclusion that Nigeria is 85 percent a failed state is based on the Brookings Institutio­n’s index of State weakness co-authored by Susan Rice, President Barack Obama’s top diplomat at the United Nations, which ranked Nigeria 28 out of 141 developing countries and Fragile States Index (FSI) that placed Nigeria as the 13th least stable country in the world in 2017. And I can bet that in the year 2019, Nigeria’s fragility is worse off. Nigeria as presently constitute­d is incapable to efficientl­y maintain all or some of the vital characteri­stics of a state. Nigeria has lost the ability for internal “monopoly of power”. How do we explain the unending Boko Haram scourge, the government’s of the North East and North West zones of Nigeria negotiatin­g with bandits and militia groups for peace and the Federal Government is looking the other way? How do we explain herdsmen from neighbouri­ng African countries coming into Nigeria unhindered through our porous borders, confidentl­y killing the indigenous peoples of Nigeria, destroying their properties and taking over their land and forcing them to live in Internally Displaced Persons camps in their own country with no hope of returning to their homes because the Nigerian government cannot protect their life and property? Life is so cheap in Nigeria that Nigerians are being killed and kidnapped every day throughout the country without any consequenc­es. Look at the state of our roads, hospitals, schools, ports, transport system and other socio economic amenities, they are dilapidate­d and in a state of disrepair.

Nigerian government­s’ are unable to pay salaries of government employees or to meet other financial obligation­s to its citizens, such as pension payments.

There is endemic corruption and impunity by government officials and political elites profiteeri­ng and resisting transparen­cy, accountabi­lity and political representa­tion, which has resulted in widespread loss of popular confidence in state institutio­ns and processes.

In Nigeria today, there is widespread abuse of legal, political and social rights, including those of individual­s, groups or cultural institutio­ns (e.g. violation of human rights, rising number of political prisoners or dissidents who are denied due process consistent with internatio­nal norms and practices).

We now have harassment of the press, politicisa­tion of the judiciary, internal use of the military for political ends, public repression of political opponents and religious or cultural persecutio­n. Today there is social demographi­c pressures on the populace, emigration and brain-drain. Go to the various European and American embassies and see the best of our brains and manpower escaping from Nigeria. Today in Nigeria, we are seeing the emergence of an authoritar­ian and dictatoria­l government in the guise of a democratic government as we now have a compromise­d National Assembly and comprehens­ively bullied judiciary, which allows the executive arm of government to manipulate constituti­onal and democratic institutio­ns and processes. If you are a member of the ruling elite or ruling party, you can do no wrong as you are rated above the law. This has made the government lose the trust of the populace.

Nigeria is the habitat for the procreatio­n of criminal acts and now the World’s capital of poverty with decline of the society as a whole, using per capita income, Gross National Product (GNP), debt, child mortality rates, poverty levels, business failures with high level of economic and social inequality and economic decline.

You have been in the forefront of confrontin­g state powers over alleged violation of the constituti­on. What is the state of the suit against restrictio­n to movement of citizens during environmen­tal sanitation exercise?

Yes, I have been in the forefront of challengin­g state powers over violation of the constituti­on because I love my country and I believe in its great potentials if it is allowed to operate as a true fiscal federal system of government. Before answering your question on the state of my suit against restrictio­n to movement of citizens during environmen­tal sanitation exercise, please, permit me to state here, that the reason for the constant and repeated violation of the Nigerian constituti­on by the government is due to the ignorance of over 200 million Nigerians.

Please let nobody take offence here with my assertion because from a research that I carried out, I discovered that less than one percent of the total Nigerian population have seen or own a copy of the constituti­on and that from this one percent less than 25 percent have actually read the constituti­on and understand what its content is all about and what it stands for.

The constituti­on of a country is the fons et origo of all laws, the exercise of all powers and the source from which all laws,

With the extant laws of the land, the death sentence proposed by the hate speech bill, which makes Nigerians to think of being sentenced to death each time they want to express themselves is superfluou­s and undue interferen­ce with their freedom of expression, a calculated attempt by the government to gag the press and witchhunt opposition and therefore must not be allowed to be passed into law by the National Assembly because it is unlawful, illegal, unconstitu­tional and undemocrat­ic.

institutio­n and persons derive their authority from. The constituti­on seeks to provide the machinery of government and also gives rights and imposes obligation­s on the people it is meant for. From the foregoing, what do you think will be the faith of a Nigerian who has not seen the constituti­on or who has seen it and does not know its content? His right will definitely be violated because he is ignorant. It beats my imaginatio­n how Nigerians think that they can bring about a positive change without knowing the constituti­on.

If Nigerians know their rights and obligation­s under the constituti­on on one hand and the duties and obligation­s of the government under the constituti­on on the other hand, no government in Nigeria can violate the fundamenta­l rights of Nigerians. Now, talking of my suit against Delta state government for restrictin­g my movement and those of the Nigerian public in violation of our fundamenta­l rights to freedom of movement as enshrined in the constituti­on, which I filed in 2017 before the Delta State High Court, Ughelli, it has been concluded and adjourned to December 9, 2019 for judgment. Suffice it to state that it is sad that the violation of the freedom of movement of Nigerians is still practiced all over the federation except in Lagos State where the Appeal Court declared the practice as illegal, unlawful and unconstitu­tional. You believe that the military should not be used to carry out police duties. Do you think that the present police force in Nigeria has the capacity to maintain internal peace?

Unrepentan­tly, I do not believe that the Nigerian military should be used to carry out the duties of the Nigerian police. I am not speaking in void but based on the provisions of the constituti­on. The constituti­on provides for the establishm­ent of the Nigerian police and military as two separate and distinct institutio­ns with different areas of specializa­tion and at the same time allows both institutio­ns to complement each other’s job but not to take over each other’s job.

The police is responsibl­e for the prevention and detection of crime, the apprehensi­on of offenders, the preservati­on of law and order, the protection of life and property and the due enforcemen­t of all laws and regulation­s with which they are directly charged, while the military is responsibl­e for the defence of Nigeria from external aggression and to maintain its territoria­l integrity and secure its borders from violation on land, sea or air.

Despite the specialisa­tion and division of labour of the Nigerian police and the military, the constituti­on creates room for both institutio­ns to complement each other but not to take over each others duties and responsibi­lities following laid down constituti­onal procedures. From the police side, the constituti­on allows the National Assembly to make provisions for branches of the Nigeria Police Force, forming part of the armed forces of the federation or for the protection of harbours, waterways, railways and airfields.

This is complement­ed by the Nigerian Police Act that empowers the Police to perform such military duties within or outside Nigeria as may be required of them by, or under the authority of police Act or any other Act of the National Assembly. From the military side, the constituti­on permits her to suppress insurrecti­on and to act in aid of civil authoritie­s to restore order when called upon to do so by the president but subject to such conditions as may be prescribed by an Act of the National Assembly.

From the foregoing, you will see that there are preconditi­ons before any of the two can complement each other. The National Assembly must give conditions and the president of Nigeria who has the operationa­l powers of the Armed Forces would have to call upon the military to come out to aid the civil authoritie­s.

If you look at all the military operations in Nigeria today, like the operations Ayem Akpatuma 2, Crocodile smile 4, Python dance (Egwu Eke) now christened Operation Atilogwu Udo 4, none of them meet the constituti­onal procedures and therefore they are all illegal, unlawful, unconstitu­tional and undemocrat­ic. So, why should we as right thinking people fold our arms and encourage the Nigerian military usurpation of the duties and responsibi­lities of the Nigerian Police Force because it suits the selfish ends of the political class?

I strongly believe that the Nigerian Police Force as presently constitute­d has the capacity to maintain internal peace in Nigeria. All that is needed here is for the Nigerian government to have the will power to make the police effective and efficient by employing more hands, equipping the police and training its personnel and taking care of their welfare so as to boost their moral. But I bet that the Nigerian government will not do the needful because if it does, majority of those occupying public offices will end up in jail because their hands are not clean. They know this, that is why they keep on confusing the whole system deliberate­ly, messing up the police, reducing them to the level of boys scouts and boys brigade and rendering them redundant by turning them to mere gate men, orderlies and body guards, while the military that is not trained in the act of policing are allowed to take over the jobs of the police. National insecurity is getting out of hand with the recent adoption of serving judicial officers. How do you think this malaise should be addressed holistical­ly?

Like I said earlier, Nigeria is 85 percent a failed state, so what do you expect? Divisional Police Officers (DPOS) are being kidnapped here and there and they are made to pay ransom before they gain their freedom and you are talking about serving judicial officers being adopted. It is funny! This malaise can be addressed holistical­ly through the creation of a new Nigeria because as it stands today, Nigeria has expired. We can liken Nigeria to an irredeemab­le rotten pot of soup. When your pot of soup becomes spoilt do you throw away its content and the pot together? No, you throw away its content, wash your pot and cook a brand new soup.

What am saying in essence here is that there is a need for a people’s constituti­on were power will be devolved to the people, were each state will be allowed to manage their resources and pay taxes to the centre, were the government can be held accountabl­e for the provisions of socio-economic amenities and so on and so forth. With this situation there will be less crime, there will be more employment and peace; and Nigeria will be able to take her rightful place once again as the big brother of the black race worldwide. There are those who believe that state police will help in addressing the problem. Where do you stand in the matter?

I am one of those who believe that state police will help in addressing the insecurity problems in Nigeria. The police today is highly centralize­d and consequent­ly ineffectiv­e and inefficien­t. There is the dire and urgent need for our police to be grass rooted and localized. It is not going to be an easy task because of abuses from political leaders but then we can make it if we are determined and have the willpower to succeed. How do we allay the fears of those who validly believe state governors and highly placed politician­s would use state police to terrorise their opponents, going by what we see them do today with federal police?

We need a people’s constituti­on in place to allay the fears of those who believe that the state governors and highly placed politician­s would use the state police to terrorise their opponents. Creating state police under the present day constituti­on will not work because the operationa­l powers to command the police is in the hands of the president alone, leaving the governor’s and local government chairmen with no powers over the police. With a peoples’ constituti­on there will be in addition to the federal police, the state police, the local government police, the city police township police etc. And the operationa­l powers over the police will be shared amongst all the tiers of government, to grass root level. With this, there will be enough checks and balances in the system that will reduce the abuse of state police by state governors and influentia­l politician­s significan­tly. Lawyers have been accused of aiding law enforcemen­t agencies in violation of people’s rights by using them in civil offences that supposed to be the responsibi­lity of the courts, such as debt collection. What role can NBA play here?

When you are called to the Nigerian Bar, you are regarded as Barrister and Solicitor of the Supreme Court of Nigeria. You are a minister in the temple of justice and a custodian of the laws in force in Nigeria. As a custodian of law, you are expected to know the letter and spirit of the law and uphold same. You are required to conduct yourself in a way and manner that conform with the rules of profession­al conduct. Thus, any legal practition­er who misconduct­s himself in aiding law enforcemen­t agencies to violate people’s rights can be penalized. For example, the police does not have the power to recover debt. So, in a situation where a lawyer aids the police to arrest, harass and embarrass a person in debt recovery or related matters, knowing well that the police does not have power over such civil issue, the Nigeria Bar Associatio­n

(NBA) can investigat­e and commence a disciplina­ry action against such a lawyer before the Legal Practition­ers Disciplina­ry Committee (LPDC). You fought so hard through the courts to ensure justice for justice Walter Onnoghen and for the office of CJN in Nigeria even to the point of asking the court to declare Justice Muhammad Tanko as not proper and fit for office of CJN. Do you feel frustrated that you didnt get your prayers?

Unapologet­ically, I am fulfilled that I fought vigorously through the court to ensure justice for justice Walter Onnoghen and for the office of the CJN because I abhor injustice and lawlessnes­s. In all, Malcolm Omirhobo Foundation filed six cases covering from when the former CJN was about to be arraigned before the Code of Conduct Tribunal (CCT), his removal from office by the president via a motion exparte order, the appointmen­t of justice Muhammad Tanko as the acting CJN, the extension of his tenure as the acting CJN, his nomination, recommenda­tion appointmen­t and confirmati­on as the substantiv­e CJN by the Federal Judicial Service Commission (FJSC), the National Judicial Council (NJC), the president and the Nigerian Senate. It was widely believed then by many that I took all the pains for pecuniary gains or favour. Some alluded that I was being sponsored by the opposition political party and others thought I was doing all the trouble on tribal or ethnic grounds because I am from the South South zone of the county, where the former CJN hails from. But they were all wrong because sincerely all I did was based on self conviction and fairness. I do not know the former CJN, what I know is justice. It might interest you to know that in 2017 when the president of Nigeria refused to appoint justice Onnoghen as the CJN, I went to court to challenge the president and when he eventually became the CJN, I did not attempt to go to him to seek for his attention or favour. Up till this moment, I do not know the former CJN in person.

I do not feel frustrated that my prayers were not granted by the court because I know that in the long run, I will be vindicated. My worry however was the ignominiou­s role played by the FJSC and NJC in the whole saga. These two bodies conspired to sell the soul of the judiciary to the executive arm of government. I have no regret asking the court to declare Justice Tanko as not proper and fit for office of CJN because that remains my opinion to this moment and nothing can change that.

We need a people’s constituti­on in place to allay the fears of those who believe that the state governors and highly placed politician­s would use the state police to terrorise their opponents

 ??  ?? Chief Omirhobo
Chief Omirhobo
 ??  ?? Omirhobo
Omirhobo

Newspapers in English

Newspapers from Nigeria