The Guardian (Nigeria)

Editorial: WHO IS AFRAID OF FREE PRESS?

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THE Nigerian public, not just the media, have good reasons to be wary and collective­ly reject the media regulation bills now in the National Assembly, Abuja. Under the cover of tackling fake news and hate speech, the proposed amendments to the Nigerian Press Council ( NPC) and National Broadcasti­ng Commission ( NBC) Acts readily shackle press freedom, hound critics of government policies and the public’s right to be heard. It is evident that Nigeria is heading backwards to obnoxious military- era of the 1980s. The civilian toga of the sponsors or their self- acclaimed conversion to democratic norms should deceive no one. The bills are capable of forcing our democracy into darkness. And lest history begins to repeat itself, the National Assembly should, for once, stand for the people, defend civil rule by quashing the obnoxious amendments and shame enemies of democracy.

Barely two decades into the Fourth Republic, a number of its beneficiar­ies and occupants of public offices are already cheesed off by its liberal ideals that allow scrutiny of public conducts and demand for accountabi­lity. Unmindful of its abysmal leadership, the current administra­tion is looking in the opposite direction to punish complainan­ts and victims of its poor lead-EDITORIAL ership. A PAGE subtle 18 entry point has been the issue of fake news and hate speech, through which the lawmakers are now trying to push through parliament a bill for the amendment of the National Broadcasti­ng Commission ( NBC) and Nigerian Press Council ( NPC) Acts. Indeed, the vexatious proposals predated the Buhari administra­tion. But as currently lined- up, it is a blast from the obnoxious past of the military junta. In 1984, the same Buhari as a military head of state, passed the Protection Against False Accusation Decree, otherwise called Decree No. 4, to repress the media. Under it, some journalist­s were jailed for reports perceived to have put the government in bad light. But while Decree No. 4 was only restricted to the disclosure of sources of informatio­n, the Press Council Bill is more draconian – walking on a brink where even the military feared to tread. The bill includes provisions that would require Nigerians to obtain a licence before operating press organisati­ons, allow the government to jail journalist­s, fine

newspapers up to N10 million or close them for up to a year over publicatio­n that the government interprets as “fake” news.

Section 3 ( e) of the Press Council Bill states that the Council will “receive, process and consider applicatio­ns for the establishm­ent, ownership and operation of print media and other related media houses.” However, this provision violates Section 39 of the constituti­on, which makes it clear that everyone shall be entitled to freedom of expression ( and) that under its subsection 2, “everyone shall be entitled to own, establish and operate any medium.” Similarly, “Function of the Council” in Section 3 ( c) states as follows: “With the approval of the Minister in charge of Informatio­n establish and disseminat­e a national Press Code and Standards to guide conduct of print media, related media houses and media practition­ers.”

It is strange and unacceptab­le for the bill to provide that the code of ethics of journalism shall be approved by the Minister of Informatio­n, as if the media were a unit of the Ministry! Section 9 ( Code of Conduct) also provides in 9 ( 1) that: “The Council shall establish a National Press and Ethical Code of Conduct for media houses and media practition­ers, which shall come into effect and be disseminat­ed after the approval by the Minister. Section 3 ( d) of the proposed NBC Act amendment is clearly another threat to press freedom. It provides that the Council shall: “Approve penalties and fines against violation of the Press Code by print media houses and media practition­ers, including revocation of licence”. In a similar vein, the proposed amendment to section 2 of the NBC would continue to make the NBC the accuser, the prosecutor and the judge in its own case. It is curious too that the section in question seeks to confer on the NBC – an unelected body – with the power to determine the public interest. Section 2 of the Amendment, “Functions of the Commission” sub- section ( n) state as follows: “Determine and apply sanctions ( including where justified in the public interest) revocation of licences of defaulting stations following findings of repeated material non- compliance with this Act, the licence condition, or applicable provisions of the NBC CODE, which do not operate in accordance with the broadcast code and in public interest.”

Obviously, these amendments in question seek to arrogate all media powers and control to the president, through the Minister of Informatio­n and quasi- public agencies such as the NBC. In that instance, the media ceases to be independen­t but only functions at the mood and discretion of the presidency. Otherwise, how come, unlike other regulatory agencies such as the National Communicat­ions Commission, ( NCC), it is only the media sector regulators – the NBC & the NPC – that the appointmen­t of the boards are not subject to the confirmati­on of the Senate but merely an affair between the office of the Minister of Informatio­n and the President? That provision effectivel­y undermines the capability of the National Assembly to perform its oversight functions in accordance with Section 88 of the Constituti­on.

Though both the executive and legislativ­e arms of government have tried to deny the obvious attempts to gag the media, “the Fourth Power” of democracy, there are sufficient reasons to think otherwise and a reason the Buhari administra­tion should be worried about its image.

The Cybercrime­s Act is an example of how lethal a supposed good control- measure could become in the hands of despots. Sections 24 and 38 of the Act have been used in no fewer than 10 instances to clampdown on bloggers or journalist­s for expressing opposing opinion to politicall­y or economical­ly powerful elite. Amnesty Internatio­nal has actually documented 50 cases where the law had targeted, not cybercrime suspects but bloggers and journalist­s for writing on what they “know to be false, for the purpose of causing annoyance, inconvenie­nce, danger, obstructio­n, insult, injury, criminal intimidati­on, enmity, hatred, ill will or needless anxiety to another.” Again, the heavy- handed restrictio­ns on broadcast media and Twitter are indication­s of how intolerant the government has become. These anti- democratic credential­s have not failed to jolt global attention. Last year, Nigeria actually fell five places to 120th out of 180 in a ranking of press freedom compiled by a global watchdog organisati­on, Re porters Without Borders.

It is also important to state that the media, both old and its new counterpar­ts, are neither the enemy of the state nor of the government to warrant a clampdown. To the media belongs a constituti­onal role as the “Fourth Estate of the Realm” in a democracy. Section 22 of the 1999 Constituti­on as amended guarantees that role. And no malicious amendment of any subsidiary legislatio­n can take that role away.

Let’s clarify this construct to those who may be in doubt: the media is not averse to regulation­s and sanctions against fake news and hate speech, as long as they do not erode media independen­ce and do not seek to criminalis­e journalism or undermine constituti­onal guarantees of freedom of expression. The media can’t, in the main, be opposed to regulation of its conduct as long as such a framework doesn’t undermine the right of the public to know. The internatio­nal trend, which Nigeria should emulate, is in the direction of peer regulation and constituti­onally guaranteed freedom of the press. The trend also includes removing from the statute all laws that criminalis­e freedom of expression. These examples are abundant in African countries including Ghana, South Africa and Sierra Leone. The media sector regulator must be independen­t of the political control and manipulati­on of the government

of the day so that it can fairly adjudicate in cases before it.

More important, as the representa­tives of the people and one of the guardian angels of democracy, the National Assembly should wake up to its constituti­onal duties and save press freedom from imminent siege that the media bills represent. Nigerians ha ve fundamenta­l rights to freedom of speech and the right to be heard. Complaints about bad leadership and demand for efficient govern - ment cannot be deemed, in the circumstan­ces, as an attempt to ridicule an elected administra­tion. Democracy thrives amid robust debates, exchange of ideas and rule of the superior thoughts. It is therefore the duty of the National Assembly to preserve this liberalism and not succumb to another era of despotism currently orchestrat­ed by those who are curiously afraid of freedom of expression through a free press. We as journalist­s are trying to do a job . We can’t tr y to tear down our nation. We are trying to strengthen it. We firmly believe in the fundamenta­l premise that our nation and indeed democracy will be stronger if its people are well informed. So , we do not want this democracy to die in darkness.

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