THISDAY

The National Alternativ­e Dispute Resolution Regulatory Commission Bill: Whose Interest Does It Serve?

- Greg Nwakogo CONTINUED ON PAGE 7

It was Andrew Johnson, the 17th President of the United States who said that ‘Legislatio­n can neither be wise nor just which seeks the welfare of a single interest at the expense and to the injury of many and varied interests’. This truism can be said to be descriptiv­e of the Bill presently before the National Assembly to establish the National Alternativ­e Dispute Resolution Commission, which did not consider inputs from stakeholde­rs from conception until this time having been passed as law by the lower legislativ­e chambers and is in the process of getting the assent of the upper legislativ­e chambers. The Bill which has scaled through the House of Representa­tive and presently before the Senate, seeks to establish a Commission with the responsibi­lity to regulate through the process of accreditat­ion, all Alternativ­e Dispute Resolution bodies and institutio­ns engaged in the practice, training, education or skills acquisitio­n in alternativ­e dispute resolution mechanism and to develop and maintain relations with internatio­nal Alternativ­e Dispute Resolution bodies and organisati­ons with a view to attaining best internatio­nal standards and practices in the field of Alternativ­e Dispute Resolution, amongst other things. The Bill if passed into law seeks to create Alternativ­e Dispute Resolution Centres in States of the Federation to promote and co-ordinate the practice and use of Alternativ­e Dispute Resolution in the States of the Federation. See sections 7(i) & (vii). The letters of the proposed law sound nice to the undiscerni­ng reader but the bill in a nutshell seeks to empower the government to regulate the private rights of citizens to resolve their disputes by their own methods.

Alternativ­e Dispute Resolution refers broadly to methods through which parties may resort to resolve their disputes through private means. This may include negotiatio­n, mediation, arbitratio­n, and other hybrid processes. The fundamenta­l features of arbitratio­n and most other alternativ­e dispute resolution mechanisms are that it is an alternativ­e to national courts, it is a private mechanism for dispute resolution, it is selected and controlled by the parties and it is a final and binding determinat­ion of parties’ rights and obligation­s. The bit on finality of determinat­ion of the parties rights however would seem to apply to only arbitratio­n. Thus if parties agree to resolve their disputes by arbitratio­n, the parties have accepted that not only will the parties resolve their disputes through that means but also that they will accept and give effect to the determinat­ion of the arbiter they have appointed.

Arbitratio­n like the other forms of Alternativ­e Dispute Resolution (ADR) is an alternativ­e to the national courts. National courts are a manifestat­ion of state power and the responsibi­lity of the state to ensure that courts exist, that appropriat­ely qualified judges are appointed and that there are procedural rules to regulate the basis of jurisdicti­on and the conduct of cases before the court. Arbitratio­n as known and practised globally is not a national court procedure. When parties have agreed to arbitratio­n they remove their relationsh­ips and disputes from the jurisdicti­on of state courts.

In arbitratio­n like other forms of ADR, disputes are resolved in a private system agreed between the parties subject to certain safeguards. Also very fundamenta­l in arbitratio­n is the fact that it is chosen by parties. Party autonomy is the ultimate power that determines the form, structure, system and other details of arbitratio­n. National arbitratio­n laws only seek to give effect to, accentuate, and support the agreement of the parties.

Accreditat­ion of Arbitratio­n and ADR bodies and institutio­ns engaged in practice training, education or skills acquisitio­n in alternativ­e dispute resolution mechanisms as the bill seeks to do will fundamenta­lly amount to the meddling by state in the private rights of citizens to resolve their disputes by their own methods. Whilst formal training may enhance the ability of an arbitrator in resolving disputes that would not be successful­ly challenged in national courts, the arbitrator does not as of a rule require formal training to be able to act as such. As practised globally, where the issues for determinat­ion are those of fact, personal qualities may become more relevant in choosing an arbitrator than profession­al qualificat­ion. Whereas where the issue for determinat­ion in a dispute is one that is technical, requiring special expertise, the possession of such special skill would make the arbitrator’s job easier, but it must be noted that arbitrator­s do not have to be certified to be appointed, so long as it is the choice of the disputants. It would therefore be prepostero­us for our law makers to envision a situation whereby arbitrator­s have to be accredited by a commission.

How do you for instance regulate a negotiatio­n which is basically formal discussion­s between parties who are trying to reach an agreement; or even mediation which is the facilitati­on of these discussion­s by a third party with a view to helping the parties reach an agreement? The absurdity in this is laughable and it is no less so in Arbitratio­n for indeed it is historical­ly ingrained in our custom for arbiters to be approached by disputants to help them resolve their disputes. The very idea of government interventi­on in citizen’s right to resolve their disputes in the manner envisioned by the proponents of this bill is absurd in every way, shape or form.

If this monstrous bill is allowed to be passed into law it would appear to be hindering

Newspapers in English

Newspapers from Nigeria