THISDAY

Why Rejection of Local Government Autonomy is a Setback

- Iyke Ozemena House of Representa­tives in session

This comment is to put on record my opinion that the rejection of local government autonomy in the ongoing 4th amendment of the 1999 Constituti­on is not the collective will of the masses, especially those located in the rural communitie­s whose lives would have been impacted positively if local government­s were autonomous. It is also my deduction that it was done inadverten­tly because the amendment procedure was carried out by an electoral college where the representa­tives rather than the people concerned voted. The concerned residents did not acquire sufficient knowledge about the implicatio­ns of the rejection of the autonomy of local government­s associated with fiscal problems canvassed by governors.

I further submit that the rejection is unconstitu­tional because the 1999 Constituti­on created a three-tier government that is mutually independen­t, except that the constituti­on recommends a joint account for the purposes of local government operations and projects. If the constituti­on created them it must have foreseen the viability of such structures including sources of revenue. The thrust of my argument and submission­s are mainly on local government areas located in non-urban areas. The reason is that you can hardly differenti­ate between developmen­ts going on in the 20 local government­s in Lagos and those carried out as state government’s projects since all the 20 local government­s are part and parcel of metropolit­an Lagos.

Compare Lagos with Bayelsa with 8 local government areas. Apart from Yenogoa all the other 7 local government areas may not have developed as much as each of the local government areas in Lagos state. The point I tried to elicit from the comparison is that the impact of local government autonomy would be different in Bayelsa. Before Bayelsa State was created there were virtually 8 local government areas on their own, being part of the state government they lost their ‘autonomy’ even though they never had it from the former state from where they were created.

This comment is not against creation of states or local government areas which are practical ways of devolution of powers from the center. If the center devolves powers why is it reluctant to grant autonomy? In that case it is delegation of authority. That is the reason why I argued earlier on that rejection was inadverten­t. It was not the federal government that rejected the move. In line with the delegation of authority the direction of modern government­s is towards underdevel­oped, rural and conurbatio­ns. The communicat­ion, technologi­cal/electronic, agricultur­al, transporta­tion companies etc. have local areas as a strategic policy, not only for profitabil­ity but also for sustainabi­lity as a business concern. And this is an appropriat­e time for the governors to stop delegation and grant autonomy to local government areas.

Today government’s agricultur­al policies are driving people from urban to local communitie­s; another way of redistribu­ting the population. Therefore, objection to local government autonomy is tantamount to regulating it while its autonomy would have signalled support for deregulati­on. A trend that would no doubt promote inclusiven­ess.

Democratis­ation has become innovative as it emphasises on increased local autonomy even in unitary government­s. Without local government autonomy how do you mobilise communitie­s to complement government policies and administra­tion voluntaril­y?

The UK parliament­ary system is based on a two-tier government: central and local councils with their functions spelt out, without one’s function impeding the other, especially when it comes to fiscal relationsh­ip. Instead of rejecting autonomy. One of the ways to resolve fiscal problems arising from the autonomy could be for us to use the census figure for revenue allocation. States as well as local government areas vary in land and population sizes. As accurate demographi­c data: collection, storage and retrieval may be the beginning of a lasting solution.

The autonomy of local government­s will encourage its traditiona­l function of food and raw material production which will provide employment for a large population of people at the local level. The Local government structure enhances socio-political awareness of the people as well as strengthen­s the economic inter-face with other structures.

Notwithsta­nding that, the political objection to local government­s is universal. Its advantages are: being close to the masses it enhances proper social security; it strengthen­s integrated rural programmes by providing basic infrastruc­ture which includes rural and urban access road; housing; water supply, health care and primary education to local communitie­s. This facilitate­s the creation of hundreds if not thousands of jobs; as well as consolidat­es the existing agricultur­al and rural infrastruc­ture. Autonomy of local government­s has a way of stemming rural/urban migration, it creates entreprene­urial skills and wealth in local communitie­s.

If allocation­s are paid directly to the local government areas a lot of them would yield encouragin­g results. Then those local government areas that cannot deliver should be annexed to the state government until improvemen­ts are made.

The Ibrahim Dasuki Repot on the desirabili­ty of local government creation as a third tier of government found that operationa­l problems can be surmounted. One of the ways to deal with it is decentrali­sation. It recommende­d the appropriat­eness of the third tier of government for gross participat­ion in the socio-political and economic developmen­t of the country.

We do know that the autonomy of the judiciary is guaranteed by the constituti­on but the executive interferes with it. And so the Judiciary Staff Union of Nigeria (JUSUN) went on strike to enforce the judgment of the Federal High Court delivered on 13th January 2014 directing that s. 162(6) of the 1999 Constituti­on which provides for the financial autonomy of the judiciary should be implemente­d.

In the same manner ss. 7 and 8 gives the state government power to create and administer local government­s including their finances, it has been interprete­d by governors to mean that local government­s would be run according to their whims and caprices: developmen­t areas without autonomy, no elections, nor independen­t source of revenue except subvention­s from federal and state government­s. I doubt if that is the intent of those sections. Just as Andrew Obaseki JSC as he then was warned that statutes should not be interprete­d to defeat its purpose.

The question we need to find answer to is whether local government areas are created as a third tier of government in a federation or as an appendage of the state government simply because of the joint account?

It is rather absurd to say that because state government­s get monthly allocation­s from the Federation Account they no longer enjoy the status of an autonomous second tier government of the federation. It takes courage to admit that local government especially those in rural communitie­s are the people’s assembly that address the unique day to day environmen­tal, socio-political and economic lives of the inhabitant­s. There is no way a statute would create structure without considerin­g the sources of revenue available even if the state government has a role to play in that regard. My point is that loss of autonomy, lack of elections are too high a price to pay.

Ozemena is with Ikechukwu O.Odoemelam & Co

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