THISDAY

ANYAOKU: NIGERIANS OWE JONATHAN GRATITUDE

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Continuing, Soyinka outlined seven key metrics to provide a historical context within which the parlous state of the nation and its current efforts at national rebirth could be strategica­lly analysed.

According to him, “The seven metrics, as in the biblical seven plagues, include the elusive quest for the original document of amalgamati­on that purportedl­y stated that the Nigerian project was a 100-year experiment that was to end in 2014.

“Against this backdrop of prediction 2014, came the second plague, which was the tilt towards national fragmentat­ion wrapped in political desperatio­n and polarisati­on along religious lines as the country headed into the 2015 general election.”

It is on record, he said, that the tension generated by conflict of religious interests and beliefs led to the loss of lives and property, “yet Nigeria as a nation was not founded solely on the basis of Muslim/ Christian configurat­ion”.

“Had every religious leader or their followers adhered to the tenets of their religion in a way that was shorn of worldly manipulati­ons, there is no doubt that Nigeria would have been a better place for every citizen and would have been saved much of the stress and strain being witnessed today.

“If Nigeria must have a new lease of life, religion must cease to be a defining factor or must play a less destructiv­e role. And that is what the constituti­on of Nigeria expects it to be,” he said.

He added that the political fault lines that gave rise to primordial sentiments were championed by micro-nationalis­tic organisati­ons, such as the Movement for the Actualisat­ion of the Sovereign State of Biafra (MASSOB), the Oodua Peoples Congress (OPC), Movement for the Emancipati­on of the Niger Delta (MEND) and sundry organisati­ons like Arewa in the north.

Even after the fratricida­l civil war of 1966-70, Soyinka said the Igbos remained unrepentan­t and resolute towards their strategic objective of secession at worst, or a Nigerian president of Igbo extraction at best.

He said although MASSOB did not have the same pan-Igbo outreach like the umbrella Ohanaeze Ndigbo socio-cultural group, MASSOB carried sufficient clout amongst the Igbos to open offices, defy government directives against its secessioni­st activities and even printed its own currency.

“The climax of MASSOB’s war against the Nigerian state was the call for sit-ins and civil disobedien­ce that shut down markets and public services as Igbos stayed at home in a symbolic gesture to assert Biafran independen­ce.

“The call was honoured by governors in the two principal Ibo states, though without fanfare,” Soyinka said, adding humorously that the Igbos are probably the only group of Nigerians that could be predicted with great accuracy as to whom they will vote for in an election, “because they tend to put their votes where their stomachs take them; suffering as it were, from incurable money-mindedness, as they would stop at nothing in their quest for personal financial gain”.

In response to the belligeren­t show of strength by southerner­s who had become “increasing­ly bellicose and provocativ­e”, a highly resentful northern elite under the Arewa Consultati­ve Forum (ACF), became obsessed with the politics of dominance, he said.

“Northerner­s took statements by Asari Dokubo, who warned the nation to re-elect Jonathan or go up in flames as a declaratio­n of war. Northern politician­s like Buhari responded in kind: ‘if what happened in 2011 repeats itself in 2015, by the grace of God, the dog and the baboon will be soaked in blood’.”

Soyinka admitted that the unhealthy rivalry between the two dominant religions, Christiani­ty and Islam, is so bad that Nigeria has on a number of occasions been subjected to undue tension and bitter acrimony. It is only by sheer providence that Nigeria has been able to survive the war of attrition and mutual distrust created by religion and fanned dutifully, selfishly and hypocritic­ally by its leaders.

The professor recounted how he became saddled with the onerous responsibi­lity of negotiatin­g the release of kidnapped American hostages by MEND militants, explaining that it was the unintended consequenc­e of his decision to grant refuge to Asari Dokubo’s wife who sought asylum in his house after her husband was tricked and jailed by then President Olusegun Obasanjo.

He regretted that Dokubo was transforme­d into Frankenste­in by the Yar’ Adua-Jonathan administra­tion, which gave him millions of dollar contracts to secure the creeks and protect oil installati­ons, even after Dokubo had initially rejected the government’s amnesty programme, insisting he should be the one granting amnesty to the government.

“As Nigeria harps on the inevitabil­ity of unity amidst another war against murderous insurgents with a nondescrip­t cause,” which he described as the godfather of all plagues– Boko Haram, the famed writer made no secret of his belief that Boko Haram was the brain child of northern politician­s, notably former Borno governor, Ali Modu Sheriff, whom he accused of ordering the extrajudic­ial killing of the sect’s leader, Mohammed Yusuf, in police custody to prevent him from revealing his backers.

Challengin­g Sheriff to sue him for defamation, Soyinka took strong exception to the controvers­ial photo-op, which had Sheriff in audience with Jonathan and Chadian President Idris Derby in Ndjamena, saying Jonathan’s widely publicised scandalous liaison with the alleged Boko Haram financier, was inappropri­ate and indecent, portraying either extreme naivety or callous disdain for public opinion.

Irrespecti­ve of how Sheriff came to sit with Jonathan, Soyinka said it was unlikely there was any country in the world, where such grave accusation bordering on national security and public peace has been levelled against a former public official so high, and no investigat­ion was made.

“Either way, it was a bad sight to see; as it conveyed contempt for the principles of accountabl­e leadership,” he said.

Soyinka also faulted Jonathan for failing to win the war against Boko Haram, stating: “Even as the nation was bleeding, the body language and the atmosphere in the seat of power did not reflect the pain and vulnerabil­ity of the country. Was Jonathan so numbed, so unshockabl­e, so desensitis­ed to sympathise with the Nigerian people?

“The offensives against the sovereignt­y and territoria­l integrity of Nigeria were too shameful and belittling and Jonathan’s leadership quotient hit rock bottom by his failure to visit Chibok.

“It was certainly an unimaginab­le feat of political miscalcula­tion and a colossal error of judgment, as it portrayed Mr. President as thoroughly insensitiv­e. By his uncanny display of ineptitude in rescuing the Chibok girls, the president was derelict in his duty to the Nigerian people.”

Soyinka also accused Jonathan of being in cahoots with selfish politician­s who have turned the insurgency into a self-enriching industry.

Admitting that the patriotism and sacrifice of the soldiers who have reversed the tide against Boko Haram was the reference for all if Nigeria would be safe and if each Nigerian would be his brother’s or sister’s keeper, Soyinka hailed the singular patriotism of Dr. Stella Ameyo Adadevoh, whose sacrificia­l act of preventing the Liberian Ebola carrier, Patrick Sawyer, from unleashing the dreaded virus on all of Nigeria, saved the country from a health catastroph­e beyond imaginatio­n, saying she personifie­d the best of Nigeria and the best in the Nigerian.

“Her life is a profile in courage and a good place to begin in forging a national character if Nigeria would have a future,” he said.

Contrastin­g Adadevoh’s example with that of first lady, Patience Jonathan, Soyinka strongly condemned the first lady syndrome and their pervasive influence on Nigerian politics.

“Given that the office of first lady is unknown to the Nigerian constituti­on, a better conduct was expected of the first lady at a time when the ship of state was flounderin­g; rather than the valorisati­on of impunity.

“In concord with the dictates of right reason and good conscience, the bare-faced debasement of the law by Mrs. Jonathan, who by associatio­n with democratic rule, should be an ambassador of civil decorum, respect for the rights of persons and the rule of law, deserves condemnati­on.

“If Mrs. Jonathan would abuse her position to fan her ego, it was at least the duty of the president who ought to know better, to negate this anomaly by reining his wife’s embarrassi­ng comportmen­t,” he stated.

In very unglamorou­s language, Soyinka added that the theatre of political absurdity which Nigeria degenerate­d under Obasanjo was highly despicable.

“Having assumed power under a civilian dispensati­on, democracy in Nigeria became a dangerous object of derision, no thanks to Obasanjo who decided to pervert legality and constituti­onality in his quest

noted that another chapter in Nigeria’s life must begin.

He stated that Buhari’s election signalled the country’s desire to lay to rest existing prejudices and distrust and feelings of marginalis­ation in whatever form, as a way of inspiring confidence in the strength of a diverse country.

“If Buhari the ‘Militricia­n’ (soldier turned politician) is sensitive to all areas of mutual distrust, he will earn the confidence and trust of the people, and this will certainly imbue his actions with legitimacy and acceptabil­ity.

"This is how, in the final analysis, a new Nigeria, which is the dream of all, will be born,” he said.

However, Anyaoku, who met with Jonathan yesterday at the Presidenti­al Villa, Abuja, said that the president’s show of magnanimit­y by calling Buhari and congratula­ting him, even before the final results of the presidenti­al elections were announced, was also commendabl­e.

According to him, that singular act earned Nigeria a great deal of admiration and respect globally.

Anyaoku, who was in the villa with other members of the Presidenti­al Advisory Council on Internatio­nal Relations, explained to State House correspond­ents that the meeting would be the last that Jonathan would hold with members of the council.

“We had an excellent valedictor­y meeting. It is the last for our council, it is the last we are meeting with the outgoing president.

“We told him that our nation Nigeria owes him a huge debt of gratitude for what he has done in terms of the success of the elections and above all in terms of the gesture of picking up the telephone and congratula­ting the president-elect even before the final results of the elections were announced.

“That singular act has earned our country a great deal of admiration and respect abroad. We thanked him and congratula­ted him and wished him well in his future endeavours,” he said.

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