THISDAY

IMMUNITY IN THE LEGISLATUR­E WILL CHECKMATE DICTATORSH­IP

- ––Nwobodo Chidiebere, Abuja

The com

mencement of constituti­onal amendment by the National Assembly has thrown up a lot of issues of national importance. The proposal to give presiding officers of national and state assemblies immunity and life pension is generating ripples in the polity. Of utmost importance and worthy of discussion to this writer is the proposal for immunity for presiding officers of national and state assemblies.

Under constituti­onal democracy, we have three arms of government— executive, legislatur­e and the judiciary. The executive arm is made of president, vice-president, governors and deputy governors. The legislativ­e arm comprises of the National Assembly and State Assemblies, while the Judiciary is composed of the bench and bar. Out of these three arms of government, only the leadership of the legislatur­e as presently constitute­d does not have immunity protection from the constituti­on. Ironically, the legislatur­e whose primary duty is to amend the constituti­on periodical­ly has been made vulnerable by the same constituti­on like the proverbial potter becoming a victim of his clay.

I have listened to both sides of argument with keen interest. Those against the proposal said that it would create impunity and promote corruption.

For the purpose of clarity and objectiven­ess, the proposed immunity for presiding officers of the legislativ­e arm will not promote impunity as being speculated by sympathise­rs of the executive arm of government, rather it will entrench the principle of separation powers, checks and balances in the polity. The legislatur­e will live up to its constituti­onal roles as watchdog to the executive. The current trend where the legislativ­e arm is being treated as extension of executive arm of government is not good for the growth of our nascent democracy.

It is almost impossible to juxtapose the fact that the Senate President and Speaker of House of Representa­tives who are third and fourth citizens of Nigeria, respective­ly, in hierarchy of political power, have no immunity while governors enjoy same, simply because they are part of executive arm of government. Opponents of this proposal should also remember that the 1999 Constituti­on was a creation of the military. Nigerians were not given the privilege to formulate a people-oriented constituti­on. The 1999 Constituti­on was handed down to us just to further entrench the interests of the military in supposed democratic dispensati­on.

The military purposely weakened the legislatur­e by denying it fair share of constituti­onal protection just to sustain the pre-1999 military structure in the political system—where president and governors lord it over other arms of government. This is one of the manifestat­ions of hatred of the military for the legislativ­e arm of government. This is also the major reason the legislatur­e becomes the first victim in a military coup. Apart from the fact that the military cabal who scripted the 1999 Constituti­on ensured that one of its own became substantiv­e civilian president, they ensured that similar overbearin­g powers of a military dictator was arrogated to the office which makes the Nigerian president the most powerful in the world.

I would like to pose some thought provoking and mind-renewing questions to ardent critics of this proposed immunity for presiding officers of national and state assemblies. Is it a coincident that there is always instabilit­y in the National Assembly any time Nigeria has a former military head of state as civilian president? Is it not a factoid to believe and insinuate that the proposed immunity will create impunity in the system while absence of it has done it already? How will a weakened leadership of the legislatur­e checkmate the all-powerful executive arm of government with all the state apparatus at its beck and call? Will there be true separation of powers without balance of political powers? Can a sitting president in Abuja threaten a Speaker of State Assembly into institutin­g impeachmen­t proceeding­s against supposedly disliked governor, if the Speaker has immunity against arrest and persecutio­n? Answers to the above questions will elucidate the nitty-gritty cum merits of the proposed immunity which critics of this novel democratic proposal failed to understand.

As a result of ignorance and insufferab­le hypocrisy of those terming this legislativ­e masterstro­ke as anti-people and pro-corruption, so many Nigerians have not only unconsciou­sly joined the bandwagon of criticisin­g this proposal even without weighing its merits and demerits. This proposed immunity for presiding officers of the national and state assemblies, is not for Senate President Saraki, Deputy Senate President Ike Ekweremadu or House Speaker, Dogara but for survival and sustainabi­lity of our young democracy. It will not only strengthen legislativ­e arm of government but will embolden it to perform its constituti­onal functions without fear of persecutio­n from the executive.

 ??  ?? Saraki
Saraki

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