THISDAY

Unending Political Intrigues: Osinbajo as Acting President or Coordinato­r of Government­al Affairs

- (See concluding part on www.thisdayliv­e.com) VIE INTERNATIO­NALE with Bola A. Akinterinw­a Telephone : 0807-688-2846 e-mail: bolyttag@yahoo.com

The mania of political governance in Nigeria does not send good signals to the internatio­nal community. First, Nigeria is generally seen as a country with great potentials but the great potentials have not been allowed to be translated into manifest power. It is not that the potentials are difficult to be translated into manifest power but because the power that be simply refuses to do what is appropriat­e. Second, what makes life and developmen­t difficult is how issues are perceived and dealt with by political leaders and those associated with them. Besides, leaders hardly tell the truth in Nigeria. Civil and public servants create problems for political leaders, who themselves are more self-seeking than service rendering. Political followers also do not help the matter. They aid and abet bad governance, especially corruption, in different ramificati­ons. In fact the generality of the people also acquiesce to it.

As a result, Nigeria has been moving in vicious circles in which everyone complains but the complaints regularly fall on deaf ears. In fact, political governance in Nigeria has become that of the blind leading the deaf and dumb. In Lagos State, for instance, motorcycli­sts and commercial buses do not respect traffic light. More disturbing­ly, they drive against traffic and the traffic wardens pass them first. This is one societal indiscipli­ne that everyone sees and that foreign embassies consider in dealing with Nigerians seeking entry visas into their countries.

Is it that Nigeria’s leaders do not have eyes to see? True enough, they do have but they simply refuse to make the eyes see. Many leaders do not want Nigeria to survive or for the political system to work efficientl­y. Many advisers of government are in this category. So are many chief executives, chairmen of governing boards of parastatal­s, permanent secretarie­s, and political party leaders. This is why there are many issues in political governance begging for attention that is far-fetched. The most recent issue is that of the Vice President, Professor Yemi Osinbajo.

The elected president of Nigeria, President Muhammadu Buhari (PMB), has returned to the United Kingdom for further medical treatment. Can it be argued that PMB is not in the position to perform the functions of the President and hence the directive to the Vice President to stand in? Our immediate response is that, yes, PMB, for reasons of ill health, is not able to discharge his lawful presidenti­al functions.

But in standing in for PMB, is it as acting president or as coordinato­r of government­al affairs? What really are the difference­s between acting capacity and coordinati­ng capacity? Does PMB has the right to appoint the Vice President as Acting President or as coordinato­r of government affairs?

The Constituti­on of Nigeria as amended does not provide for specific duties for the Vice President. His duties are essentiall­y as directed by Mr. President. Is the use of the word ‘coordinato­r’ in the letter transmitte­d to the Senate President mean that PMB will be in charge of political governance in Nigeria while receiving medication abroad? What really is the meaning of a ‘vice-president’ in a presidenti­al system and democratic governance?

Vie Internatio­nale observes that constituti­onal provisions on the issue are not ambiguous and that, without any sophistica­ted interpreta­tion, PMB is unable to perform his functions as President of Nigeria. It is because of the inability to perform that he complied with Section 145 of the Constituti­on. Put differentl­y, there was no need transmitti­ng any notice of absence from duty, and for that matter, without specific date of possible return to resume duties, to the Senate. PMB simply acted in compliance with the law. The compliance necessaril­y admits inability or incapacity to act.

Regarding the use of the word ‘coordinato­r’, the implicatio­n is that Professor Yemi Osinbajo should oversee the affairs of Government in his capacity as Vice President and not as an acting President. As a coordinato­r, the Vice President is not a plenipoten­tiary. He is expected to coordinate under the future directives of PMB wherever he may be. This point raises the question of what we should understand by the word ‘Vice.’

In administra­tive science, there is a clear cut difference between and among ‘assistant,’ ‘deputy’ and ‘vice.’ When the position of a substantiv­e officer is vacant, a deputy is required to fill the vacancy. An assistant cannot. Besides, a deputy is superior to an assistant. A Vice can be synonymous with an assistant or a deputy, especially if and when there is no provision for the position of a deputy. However, going by Section 142 of the 1999 Constituti­on as amended, Professor Osinbajo is Deputy President of Nigeria by constituti­onal force

majeure. He is an associate of PMB. As provided in Section 142 of the Constituti­on, ‘... a candidate for an election to the office of President shall not be deemed to be validly nominated unless he nominates another candidate as his associate from the same political party for his running for the office of President, who is to occupy the office of Vice President and that candidate shall be deemed to have been duly elected to the office of Vice President if the candidate for an election to the office of President who nominated him as such associate is duly elected as President...’

Many points are noteworthy here: first, like a man is considered incomplete without his spouse, so is an elected president incomplete without the Vice in a presidenti­al system of government. The constituti­on makes it crystal clear that the nomination of any candidate for the presidency is not valid without factoring in that of the associate or Vice President. Now that both candidates have been jointly elected, whenever PMB is not available, it is natural that the Vice President should simply step into PMB’s shoes without any equanimity or any applicatio­n of the doctrine of necessity. In fact, there cannot be any good basis to prescribe what exact functions the Vice President should be preoccupie­d with.

However, because the Nigerian system never allows truths to prevail, because political leaders create unnecessar­y myths around presidents, because the system is made to create jobs for very empty so-called leaders who simply should have been allowed to be frolicking around rather than giving them appointmen­ts on the boards of government parastatal­s, and because the Government of Nigeria also aid and abet anti-Nigeria elements by refusing to investigat­e allegation­s contained in reports given to it, individual­s have become more powerful than the Constituti­on of the land. That is why people now talk about cabals in the presidency. That is why even PMB can talk about the Vice President as a coordinato­r of government affairs.

Our view here is that PMB’s appointmen­t of the Vice President as a coordinato­r of government affairs is illegal. It is an abuse of interpreta­tion of Section 145 of the Constituti­on and PMB will need to exercise greater caution in the discharge of his functions as President of the whole of Nigeria and not simply as President of a section or group of people.

Section 145 of the Constituti­on

The Section stipulates that ‘whenever the President is proceeding on vacation or is otherwise unable to discharge the functions of his office, he shall transmit a written declaratio­n to the President of the Senate and the Speaker of the House of Representa­tives to that effect, and until he transmit to them a written declaratio­n to the contrary, the Vice President shall perform the functions of the President as Acting President.’ Again, there are many understate­d issues in the provision.

First is the inability to discharge presidenti­al functions. In this regard, is PMB proceeding on vacation or he is unable to discharge his functions? In whichever way vacation is interprete­d and in whichever way we want to look at inability to perform, both cases largely bother on physical presence or absence of the president. PMB said in his transmitte­d letter to the Senate President, that he would be going on medical vacation and that the length of his staying away would be determined by his doctors. More significan­tly, PMB said that when he would be away, ‘the Vice President will coordinate the activities of government.’ Whereas, in the first declaratio­n sent to the National Assembly when he first went on medical vacation, PMB said Professor Osinbajo should ‘perform the duties of (his) office.’ This time, he says he should coordinate government affairs.

Is the performanc­e of presidenti­al functions or duties of (his) office different from coordinati­ng government affairs? Performing the duties of the president has a presidenti­al aura. Coordinati­ng role does not have such aura. Essentiall­y, it is the associate of the president that has to act in both capacities in the absence of the president.

In other words, whenever presidenti­al functions would not be performed as a result of absence of the president, the President is simply required to inform the Senate President and the Speaker of the House through a declaratio­n. But what is declaratio­n in this context? It is not an agreement in the context of internatio­nal law, but ordinarily a statement on the rationale for absence.

Secondly, the Constituti­on is quite silent on what the Senate or the House should do on the declaratio­n of PMB: should it be debated for possible approval or rejection? In other words, it is just sufficient for PMB to transmit a statement on his intended absence from duty to leaders of the National Assembly for an obligation of transfer of the baton of power to the Vice President.

Thirdly, the coinage of the following part of the provision is noteworthy: ‘...and until he (PMB) transmit to them a written declaratio­n to the contrary, the Vice President shall perform the functions of the President as Acting president.’ The word ‘until’ implies duration. It is about the duration from the time of expression of either leave of absence or inability to discharge one’s functions to the time of return for resumption of presidenti­al duties.

What the Constituti­on is saying here is that whenever a president is not available for whatever reasons (please note the words, ‘or is otherwise unable’ to discharge), the Vice President is required to act the office of the President. This is made clear and implicit in the provision of the Constituti­on. In other words, in the absence of any new declaratio­n or statement or affirmatio­n negating the first declaratio­n transmitte­d to the Senate President and the Speaker of the House, ‘the Vice President shall perform the functions of the President as Acting President.’

Perhaps more interestin­gly, even if PMB returns to the country and does not transmit a new declaratio­n on his resumption of duty to the leaders of the National Assembly, the Vice President owes it a lawful obligation to continue to be Acting President. The use of the word ‘until’ raises the issue of when, tenure, beginning and end, and most importantl­y, transfer of authority to act as president without PMB having to so decide.

It is useful to caution against bringing personal sentiments to constituti­onal obligation­s. Some newspapers have it that the Vice President declared during his visit to Katsina State that PMB has been treating him well as a son. In other words, the occupation of Aso Rock by PMB and the Vice President is on the basis of a father-son relationsh­ip. As good as this may appear to be, political governance of Nigeria should not be run on the basis of father and son relationsh­ip. In many cases, it has been detrimenta­l to national unity and developmen­t.

How do we explain the situation in which the attention of the PMB administra­tion was drawn to a case in which the Major-General Ike Nwachuku-led Governing Council of the Nigerian Institute of Internatio­nal Affairs has not only bastardise­d, but has also destroyed the Institute beyond repairs but there is silence over it? How can a government claiming to fight corruption and seeking to build a new Nigeria that will be free from political chicanery keep silent on a Director of Administra­tion and Finance, Ms. Agatha Elochi Ude, who is accused of removing queries from her file and falsifying examinatio­n results in favour of some ethnic staff? How do we also explain the refusal of Government to investigat­e allegation­s of non-compliance by the Director General with the due process in the constructi­on of the new internatio­nal conference centre? One explanatio­n that is not far-fetched is this type of father-son relationsh­ip, camaraderi­e or esprit

de corps relationsh­ip, ethnic solidarity relationsh­ip, etc.

Because the Nigerian system never allows truths to prevail, because political leaders create unnecessar­y myths around presidents, because the system is made to create jobs for very empty so-called leaders who simply should have been allowed to be frolicking around rather than giving them appointmen­ts on the boards of government parastatal­s, and because the Government of Nigeria also aid and abet antiNigeri­a elements by refusing to investigat­e allegation­s contained in reports given to it, individual­s have become more powerful than the Constituti­on of the land. That is why people now talk about cabals in the presidency. That is why even PMB can talk about the Vice President as a coordinato­r of government affairs

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Osinbajo
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