THISDAY

Fundamenta­ls of Restructur­ing

- Professor Epiphany Azinge, SAN, Immediate Past Director General of the Nigerian Institute of Advanced Legal Studies

"BY 1966, WHEN THE ARMY STRUCK, NIGERIA RETAINED ITS FEDERAL STRUCTURE AND THE PARLIAMENT­ARY SYSTEM OF GOVERNMENT. THERE WERE SOME PECULIARIT­IES OF THE FEDERAL STRUCTURE IN PLACE, WHICH MADE THE REGIONS VERY POWERFUL. DEVOLUTION OF POWER WAS SUCH THAT, EACH REGION CONTROLLED ITS RESOURCES TO A LARGE EXTENTTO WIT, NORTH, ITS GROUNDNUT, WEST, ITS COCOA AND EAST, ITS PALM PRODUCE"

Before the Military

The history of Nigeria up to 1999 must be clear to students of history and politics. Basically, by 1954, Nigeria was already a federation and the journey to independen­ce did not alter the equation or calculatio­n in any form. Consequent­ly, by independen­ce in 1960, Nigeria had the three regions of North, West and East. The regions were the federating units and the 1960 constituti­on shared powers between the central government and the regional government. The creation of Midwestern region altered the calculatio­n a bit. Instead of three regions, Nigeria now had four regions. The Republican Constituti­on of 1963, never tampered with certain fundamenta­l principles of government, apart from enthroning a full republican status instead of the monarchica­l supervisor­y role of the Queen of England in Nigerian affairs.

Military Interventi­on

By 1966, when the army struck, Nigeria retained its federal structure and the parliament­ary system of government. There were some peculiarit­ies of the federal structure in place, which made the regions very powerful. Devolution of power was such that each region controlled its resources to a large extent- to wit, North, its groundnut, West, its cocoa and East, its palm produce. As regards the judiciary, Regions had their appellate courts which was distinct from the federal appellate courts. Such was the state of the nation when the military intervened.

With the military interventi­on, began Nigeria’s romance with the unitary system of government. This is understand­able given the command structure of the military. So by 1979, when the military returned power to civilian democracy, the Constituti­on fundamenta­lly altered the arrangemen­t of devolution of powers. The enthroneme­nt of the Presidenti­al System of Government, which conferred enormous powers on the President, unlike the parliament­ary system, did not help matters. At least under the parliament­ary system, it was impossible for a President or a Prime Minister as the case may be, to wield overbearin­g powers as is the case of a presidenti­al system.

All subsequent constituti­ons followed to a large extent the pattern of the 1979 Constituti­on, thereby throwing overboard the position of things as at 1960. It must therefore, be stated that in the course of military governance, states were created for both political and administra­tive convenienc­e. So also were local government­s. Indeed, it is on record that apart from Midwest Region, no State has been created under a constituti­onal democracy. What is crucial to note is that, with the creation of states, the states in Nigeria automatica­lly became the federating units. They still are.

The Clamour for Restructur­ing

This is the background that has brought us to this stage of clamouring for restructur­ing. So the question is, restructur­e from what to what? From states as federating units back to regions? To make the geo-political zones a component of our federation with constituti­onal recognitio­ns? Or what? Secondly, is to agree in principle that there is need to restructur­e from what is the architectu­ral blueprint that is currently prevalent.

To restructur­e in the main, is to change to a large extent what is currently in place. It will require tinkering with the Constituti­on, as well as possibly inserting new clauses in the Constituti­on, in order to perfect the restructur­ing mechanism. Areas of possible interventi­on are as follows:

a. Federating Units: This presuppose­s an acceptance that Nigeria retains its federal status. The notion of confederat­ion will not be entertaine­d therein. The debate is that the states remain the federating units for purposes of restructur­ing. This is without prejudice to states merging to become regions if they so desire, and geo-political zones also assuming a constituti­onal status without necessaril­y being the federating units. So ideally, the argument endorses states and state creation and de-emphasises regionalis­m and geopolitic­al zones, as parameters for political restructur­ing.

b. Devolution of Powers: Noticeable imbalance flowing from power sharing between the Federal (Central) Government and State Government­s, is evident from a perusal of the legislativ­e powers shared in the 1999 constituti­on. Whilst we have 68 items under the Exclusive Legislativ­e list, there are just 8 items under the concurrent legislativ­e list. Item 45 of the exclusive legislativ­e list stipulates “Police and other Government, Security Services establishe­d by law”. Proponents of state policing, will naturally want this to move to the Residual list, which will be controlled by the state. Other items that require serious interrogat­ion for purposes of restructur­ing are: Item 48- Prison, item 51 public holidays; item 39 – mines and minerals, including oil fields, oil mining, geological surveys and natural gas. There are still a host of the 68 items that can be restructur­ed in favour of the federating units. Even the inclusion of Electric Power under the concurrent list, is part of the problem we have in respect of power. Under the doctrine of covering the field, the federal legislatur­e have enacted laws, which seem to have emasculate­d the state legislatur­e in matters dealing with electricit­y.

c. Judicial System: Many have also argued that our judicial system is over-centralise­d. There is argument to return to State Appellate Courts or even Supreme Court. It is still confoundin­g why matters of land ownership and inheritanc­e, generally still come to Court of Appeal or Supreme Court, when such matters can end at state or regional or geo-political zone Court of Appeal or Supreme Court, as the case may be. d. Unicameral or Bicameral legislatur­e:

Again this is a decision, Nigerians may want to take for purposes of restructur­ing. Do we go back to bicameral legislatur­e at the state or regional level or do we retain the status quo. Other issues to be grappled with for purposes of restructur­ing will include state creation, local government administra­tion, prospects of including Rotation of Powers in the Constituti­on, as well as conferring constituti­onal imprimatur on idea of geo-political zones.

Also along this line, is a determinat­ion of whether it is still fashionabl­e to continue with ‘Presidenti­alism’ or we return back to the Parliament­ary System.

 ??  ?? Professor Epiphany Azinge, SAN
Professor Epiphany Azinge, SAN

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