THE NIGERIAN STATE, BIAFRA AND IPOB

Willie Eleje-Abili argues the reason why for the separatist agitation

The other day, I went to see a friend of Fulani extraction, whom I hold in very high personal esteem. On walking into his office, after exchange of pleasantries, he motioned me to a seat in front of his desk and casually asked, “What do you think about the IPOB”? Now, I am the lexicographer of a handbook of Igbo glossary and the facilitator of a Quango, known as Igbo Language Renaissance Initiative. Biafra is akin to my mother that gave birth to me, but Nigeria my wife, that I serve with all my strength. If I side either of the two on the sentiment of relationship, justice would have been perverted. So, I would back the right and face the wrong. If my mother or wife is wrong, I have to face it, for it would catch up with me from behind my back.

The object of this write up is, however, not to vindicate or condemn, for the fact about war is not who is right at the beginning but who is left at the end, so peace is the only end that is justified by all means. But to ventilate my thoughts as it began to race when I left my friends office. The Indigenous People of Biafra debacle fills one with an appalling sense of foreboding. The Nigerian society and state is far more complicated than what obtained in the 1960s: the social fabric is much more interwoven, communication is a lot more suitable for socialisation and mobilisation, population demographics has mushroomed across tribal lines. If they should be a pogrom of any sort therefore, the country will simply implode. Every civil right of a people should be enjoyed responsibly, and this includes freedom of expression, the grazing rights of herd pastors, the right to political ideology and that of religious faith. The IPOB is a sophisticated acronym, so also is Biafra as a name and fascinating is the flag. But does Nnamdi Kanu as a name ring a bell? Is his role congruous with his physiognomy? Is he peddling propaganda or does he fit into the picture of a charismatic leader that is capable of sharing a powerful vision to sustain? Can his followers claim ownership of his vision such that they can legitimately own the process of bringing it to full effect? For the power of ideology is such that can make a man die for a just or an unjust cause, but does the buck stop at his desk? Is he the piper or a dictator of tunes who are his lieutenants, are they a disharmonic orchestra of frogs? Do they sing songs that only the python would dance, or are they prudent men of understanding and skill, is he discerning of wise counsel?

I share the view that Biafra continues to resonate after 50 years only because of the failure of the Nigerian state to demonstrate reasonable historical erudition. But while the Nigerian state would appear to have shown a lack of understanding, the government has learnt to manicure the cob before it becomes a lion. The military intervention in the South East would therefore, probably remain firm, resolute and expeditious, but would certainly come with some collateral damage and the loss of innocent lives is always a tragedy. The strength of the Igbo lies in converting their itinerant entrepreneurship to political capital, but while they are arguably the most populous blacks in their countries of domicile, they are no people of any other nation except in diaspora. On the other hand while there are indigenous to Nigeria, there are Fulani people of the entire North West Africa, from Senegal to Cameroun and Yoruba people of Dahomey and Togo, where they enjoy rights of recognition and citizenship. After the civil war, it was taken for granted that an Igbo would run as running-mate to a Fulani presidential ticket. We had Alex Ekwueme, Ebitu Ukiwe. But it would appear that for arrears of political indiscretion, the sagacious Fulani therefore suffered a loss of confidence. But even at that, if I remember clearly, the running mate of Buhari in his first two attempts were Ogbonnaya Onu and Edwin Ume-Ezeoke. We were given Senate presidential slot, it was squandered in a spree of self-sabotaging perfidy. We had in quick succession, although not in the following order: Evan Enwerem (Imo), Chuba Okadigbo (Anambra), Adolphus Wabara (Abia), Pius Anyim (Ebonyi), Ken Nnamani (Enugu). Politics is a numerical game, unfortunately as a group the Igbo hardly exist but are genius as individuals. The Igbo for their remarkable human resource has more than any other ethnic group, benefited from a large Nigerian market, so also have they benefited from the diaspora. So why the separatist agitation? Certainly not for a large Southeastern market, or for relative endowment of their gully-ravaged modicum of land in natural resuorces. They probably need a nation state that can pursue their rights and protect their interest globally or to determine the rights of own-self as a people, or to constitute sufficient nuisance value, such that would guarantee what they would regard as a fair and equitable treatment by the Nigerian nation. But, for resource control to apply in isotropy, no, for even if every local government should become a country, it would only substitute one form of perceived subjugation with another and in this age of regionalisation, I do not think that should be expedient though necessary.

I SHARE THE VIEW THAT BIAFRA CONTINUES TO RESONATE AFTER 50 YEARS ONLY SUPPOSES A FAILURE OF THE NIGERIAN STATE TO DEMONSTRATE REASONABLE HISTORICAL ERUDITION