THISDAY

Issues in 1,096 Days of Nigeria’s Foreign Policy under President Buhari

- with Bola A. Akinterinw­a Telephone : 0807-688-2846 e-mail: bolyttag@yahoo.com

On Tuesday, 29th May, 2018, it was three years of the President Muhammadu Buhari (PMB) administra­tion and 19 years of sustained democracy in Nigeria. He took over power on May 29, 2015, considered by the Olusegun Obasanjo administra­tion as Nigeria’s Democracy Day. On the basis of this, there were 1,096 days of Nigeria’s foreign policy to assess and discuss. Every elected president is necessaril­y the chief diplomat of his or her country while the Foreign Minister is only acting on the basis of the president’s delegated authority. This observatio­n is necessary at this juncture because it took about six months before PMB appointed his Foreign Minister and other ministers. Before doing so, he was the President and also Minister of Foreign Affairs. In fact, when he appointed the ministers in November 2015 and there was a substantiv­e Foreign Minister, he still appointed himself as Minister of Petroleum Resources. Put differentl­y, the possible argument of non-appointmen­t of a Foreign Minister in the first five and a half months cannot be suggestive of in existence of state behaviour in internatio­nal relations. Hence, what was Nigeria’s foreign policy between May 29, 2015 and November 11, 2015 when his cabinet was sworn-in?

There is nothing big to write home about regarding Nigeria’s foreign policy for various reasons but there are many inherent critical issues to address. First is ‘change’ as dynamic of governance. The PMB administra­tion came up with an agenda of change in the political governance of Nigeria. Most Nigerians believed in the agenda.And true enough, the PMB administra­tion took the battle against the main societal ill in Nigeria, corruption, very seriously. However, it has been so selectivel­y done that it has had little or no impact on foreign policy. In other words, what is there for foreign policy to project in terms of the anti-corruption struggle?

In this regard, for instance, Mr. Uwajeh, a member of the Special Investigat­ion Panel on the Recovery of Public Property (SIPRPP), has explained, contrary to government claims of allegation­s against him in the court, why he was sacked from the panel. He said it was because of his refusal to engage in a one-sided investigat­ion that was aimed at prosecutin­g the opposition elements while protecting the corrupt members of the ruling party.

As Uwajeh put it to the public and to the chairman of the panel, Okoi Obono Obla: ‘I told him that I would not be a party to onesided investigat­ion to muzzle the opposition and persecute them. I made my position known that I am ready to expose corruption and recover stolen assets as a profession­al but will not be involved in the politics of “pull them down” in Nigeria. My refusal to dance to the tune of the government and SIPRPP led to my disengagem­ent’ (vide the Daily Sun of Wednesday, May 23, 2018, p.4).

Thus, there is no disputing the fact that PMB’s agenda of change in terms of issues to address and ending the systemic corruption in the country has now become a change of agenda in terms of objective and non-existence of any changed mania of doing things. The more efforts are made to change the ‘changes’ as issues, the more the ‘changes made’ renew the mania of the status quo ante which PMB purports to be fighting. This is where there is interconne­ction with the internatio­nal community which is keenly interested in the conduct of Nigeria’s self-professed anti-graft war: the case of the steam accusing the kettle.

Asecond issue is the environmen­t of foreign policy. It was generally inclement at three levels: the Ministry of Foreign Affairs; national domestic level; and internatio­nal level.At the level of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, foreign policy has, at best, been reactive since 2015 because it lacks any ideologica­l focus. There was no inheritanc­e of foreign policy legacies of the previous administra­tions, not to mention continuity of such policies. Who is bothered about the protection of black dignity or the black man in the world. What does Nigeria playing host to the biggest black population mean now a days? There was no articulati­on of any foreign policy focus.

The Foreign Ministry may not be partly held responsibl­e for some reasons. The Minister, Geoffrey Onyeama, is more of an internatio­nal functionar­y than a seasoned diplomat. The operationa­l environmen­t of an internatio­nal functionar­y, where he came from is more multilater­al than bilateral or plurilater­al in character. There is no way his mania of doing things and thinking cannot but reflect more of the globalists than the Foreign Service Officers whose world views are a priori nationally or African driven.

In fact, dealing with bilateral questions cannot but pose difficult challenges to the Foreign Minister as a former functionar­y of an internatio­nal organisati­on. This explains in part why the Foreign Ministry has been more identified with the issuance of policy statements of intention and preparedne­ss to defend the national interest, but all to no avail. The unending mistreatme­nt of Nigerians in South Africa, in spite of the bilateral agreement on the establishm­ent of an early warning mechanism meant to prevent such mistreatme­nts, is a good illustrati­on of this point. Nigerians are always killed in different places but the regular answer is that Government is investigat­ing. What happens after investigat­ion is only known to the same Government.

At the national domestic level, foreign policy making suffers considerab­ly from lack of research and intellectu­al input. Many foreign policy decisions are taken as a result of lack of knowledge. There was the most unfortunat­e position of the Minister of Foreign Affairs supporting the applicatio­n of Morocco’s membership of the ECOWAS under the considerat­ions of potential economic gains but, most unfortunat­ely, forgetting how such membership would undermine Nigeria’s strategic leadership in the region and the continent as a whole.

Powerful individual­s simply come into the policy-making processes to direct on what to do and the Foreign Ministry is set aside. No serious country allows that type of situation to happen. In Nigeria, individual­s are more powerful than institutio­ns, even more than Nigeria. This is why PMB’s administra­tion has been more of a burden than solution to Nigeria’s many problems.

In fact, there are too many centres of foreign policy making in Nigeria. Foreign policy institutio­ns in the country are being killed precisely by the governing councils set up to grow and develop them. The example of the destructio­n of academic values of the Nigerian Institute of Internatio­nal Affairs by the Ike Nwachukwul­ed Governing Council and under the watch of the Supervisor­y Authority, is a case in point. Good foreign policy or decision cannot be articulate­d when some people are thinking while some others are militating against them. PMB can be held accountabl­e but cannot be held responsibl­e for the remissness of others, even if he chooses not to sanction anyone.

Perhaps more importantl­y, the insecurity in the country did not allow for much attention to be given to foreign policy at home and abroad, except in the area of seeking internatio­nal help. The quest for help is in itself another burden for the Foreign Service Officers, especially in light of the fact of economic insolvency of most of Nigeria’s diplomatic missions. Foreign policy is expensive the word over but it is always poorly funded in Nigeria. In this regard, who is to blame for non-performanc­e in the absence of adequate funding?

At the internatio­nal level, the environmen­t is more inclement and challengin­g. Economic laziness and recession, as well as maltreatme­nt and protection of Nigerians in internatio­nal relations are foreign policy questions that are raised but without answers. When PMB went to the United States, he described Nigerian youths as lazy. But in solidarity support for the second term bid of PMB and his achievemen­ts in the agricultur­al sector, on Tuesday, May 22nd, 2018, the Comptrolle­r-General of the Nigeria Customs Service, Mr. HameedAli, said it is only the lazy Nigerians that can be hungry under the PMB administra­tion.As he put it, ‘when people say we are hungry, there was never a time in Nigeria that food was dropped in the mouth of the people and there can never be.’ Agreed, but if truth be told, it is precisely the hard working and honest Nigerians that are hungry and are made to suffer at the altar of political chicanery, religious bigotry, ethnic schizophre­nia, perversion of justice, and subjectivi­ty of purpose. To survive, all Nigerians will need to stop all engagement­s in the politics of self-deceit. This brings us to the more disturbing questions in Nigeria’s foreign policy in the past three years.

Issues for Nigeria’ s Foreign Policy

One issue, perhaps the most critical with which Nigeria’s foreign policy has to grapple in the foreseeabl­e future, is the emerging new Cold War. Internatio­nal politics is currently and gradually being fraught with a new Cold War in which the issue is not about ideologica­l rivalry per se, but that of nuclear-driven ‘I tooism.’ The old Cold War was more of a struggle between the West and the East, between alliances, between the quest for supremacy of democracy and supremacy of dictatorsh­ip. In fact, it was about clash of civilisati­ons.

The new Cold War is not yet a struggle between the West and the East but an intra- struggle within each side of the divide and also between the West, on the one hand, and the East, on the other. For instance, at the level of the West, the United States and the EU countries are divided over the Comprehens­ive Joint Plan of Action over Iran’s nuclearisa­tion agenda. This is not only an intra-alliance disagreeme­nt but also an extra-African question that has serious implicatio­ns for Africa, in general, and Nigeria, in particular. How is Nigeria addressing this issue in light of her ties with the Arab countries?

The deepening misunderst­anding between the US of Donald Trump and North Korea of Kim Jung-un is also an expression of, and issue in, the new Cold War in the making. This particular case of misunderst­anding between the two countries has the potential to precipitat­e a hot war, if not an unpreceden­ted nuclear war. This is why Nigeria’s foreign policy calculatio­ns must be better articulate­d to prevent being caught unawares in terms of implicatio­ns.An expatiatio­n is necessary here.

The United States has been having a running battle with the nuclearisa­tion programme of North Korea since the time of President George Bush. The US is opposed to any nuclear weapon developmen­t by North Korea, which is also claiming its sovereign right to legitimate self-protection and self-defence. Besides, North Korea is interested in the unificatio­n of the two Koreas, but in which the United States is partly interested. The main focus of the United States is denucleari­sation of the Korean peninsula..

Most unfortunat­ely, however, the newly found entente between North and South Korea, following the delegation of North Korea to the last winter Olympic Games in South Korea and which not also lessened the tension between the US and North Korea, but also paved the way for the planned June 12, 2018 summit between the leaders of the two countries in Singapore, has been cancelled. Several reasons can be adduced for the cancellati­on, which many observers argued it was at the instance of the United States but which we strongly believe is at the instance of North Korea.

There are two immediate considerat­ions to support that the initiative of the visit came from North Korea. First was the attitude of North Korea to the working details of the visit. The American side had shown much concern as to the not-forthcomin­g cooperativ­e attitude of the North Koreans on the meeting. It should be recalled that North Korean officials have not always kept official rendez-vous. There was the time the Pyongyang authoritie­s invited Mr Pence for tête-à-tête discussion­s when he visited South Korea for the Pyeongchan­g Winter Olympics but the inviting State, North Korea, cancelled the secret talks at the last minute.

In the same vein, North Korean officials failed to show up at the preparator­y meetings of the June 12 summit. Probably too, this attitudina­l dispositio­n of North Korea might have informed the rationale for the second considerat­ion: the statement of the US Vice President, Mike Pence.

(See concluding part on www.thisdayliv­e.com)

When PMB went to the United States, he described Nigerian youths as lazy. But in solidarity support for the second term bid of PMB and his achievemen­ts in the agricultur­al sector, on Tuesday, May 22nd, 2018, the Comptrolle­r-General of the Nigeria Customs Service, Mr. Hameed Ali, said it is only the lazy Nigerians that can be hungry under the PMB administra­tion. As he put it, ‘when people say we are hungry, there was never a time in Nigeria that food was dropped in the mouth of the people and there can never be.’ Agreed, but if truth be told, it is precisely the hard working and honest Nigerians that are hungry and are made to suffer at the altar of political chicanery, religious bigotry, ethnic schizophre­nia, perversion of justice, and subjectivi­ty of purpose

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