THISDAY

Nigeria @ 58: Stopping Societal Indiscipli­ne, Selfdestru­ction and Dictatoria­l Democracy as a Desideratu­m

- (See concluding part on www.thisdayliv­e.com) with Bola A. Akinterinw­a 0807-688-2846 Telephone : e-mail: bolyttag@yahoo.com

On October 1, 2018 Nigeria attained fifty-eight years of national sovereignt­y, but without fully understand­ing what should be meant by rememberin­g, marking or celebratin­g an independen­ce day at 58. First, what did October 1, 1960, which was a Saturday, mean in terms of obligation­s from the Independen­ce Day Speech of Prime Minister Abubakar Tafawa Balewa? What are the implicatio­ns for the people of Nigeria? Every October 1 is supposed to be treated as a ‘great day,’ because Nigeria became an ‘independen­t sovereign nation’ on October 1, 1960. It was on this day that the constituti­onal instrument­s of independen­ce were transferre­d by Queen Elisabeth II and delivered by Her Royal Highness, The Princess Alexandra of Kent, to Prime Minister Abubakar Tafawa Balewa of Nigeria. October 1, 1960 therefore marked a new foundation for a new Nigeria in the making and to which Tafawa Balewa pledged to dedicate his life.

It was this same day that it was made clear, consciousl­y or otherwise, that Nigeria’s attitudina­l dispositio­n in the conduct and management of foreign relations would be guided by four parameters: mastership, leadership, partnershi­p, and friendship, These were the four main features of relationsh­ips between Nigerian leaders and the British. In explaining these four factors, Tafawa Balewa advised the British in the following words: ‘do not mistake our pride for arrogance. It is tempered by feelings of sincere gratitude to all who have shared in the task of developing Nigeria politicall­y, socially and economical­ly. We are grateful to the British officers whom we have known, first as masters, and then as leaders, and finally as partners, but always as friends.’

Tafawa Balewa further put it differentl­y thus: ‘it is a unique privilege which I shall remember forever, and it gives me strength and courage as I dedicate my life to the service of our country. This is a wonderful day, and it is all the more wonderful because we have awaited it with increasing impatience compelled to watch one country after another overtaking us on the road when we had so nearly reached our goal. But now, we have acquired our rightful status, and I feel sure that history will show that the building of our nation proceeded at the wisest pace: it has been thorough, and Nigeria now stands well-built upon firm foundation­s.’

Above all, October 1, 1960 was the very day that Tafawa Balewa said he opened a new chapter in the history of Nigeria, the Commonweal­th, and, indeed, of the world, with the words, ‘God Save Our Queen.’ Even though Queen Elisabeth ceased to be ‘Our Queen’ as from October 1, 1963 when Nigeria became a republican state, there was no disputing the fact that the cordiality of relationsh­ip with Britain on the basis of the existing features was still maintained. The independen­t status of Nigeria still had its many dependent dimensions.

From this first independen­ce day speech by Prime Minister Tafawa Balewa, two quick points are noteworthy: slowness in action by Nigerians and solid foundation laying of independen­t Nigeria. For more than fifteen years of struggle and negotiatio­ns with the colonial masters to have independen­ce, other countries were able to acquire their own sovereign statehood before that of Nigeria. In other words, why was Nigeria overtaken by others? Tafawa Balewa indirectly complained about it, while admitting at the same time indirectly that lateness may still be better than never.

The implicatio­n of this is that it can be argued that political attitudes in Nigeria have a character of slowness, if not remissness of action. Nigeria’s developmen­t has also been slow. Can we not also explain this phenomenon by the same slowness in action in the attitudina­l dispositio­n of the political leaders? In other words and terms of obligation, if the quest for national sovereignt­y during the pre-independen­ce struggle was slow and this factor was so recognised on October 1, 1960, why has this virus of slowness not been addressed since 58 years ago?

More important, Tafawa Balewa showed happiness about the firm foundation of the newly independen­t Nigeria, especially bearing in mind that, as Tafawa Balewa put it, ‘each step of our constituti­onal advance has been purposeful­ly and peacefully planned with full and open consultati­on, not only between representa­tives of all the various interests in Nigeria but in harmonious cooperatio­n with the administer­ing power which has today relinquish­ed its authority.’ However, what really is the import of any constituti­onal advancemen­t, harmonious cooperatio­n, and peaceful planning of the past as at today? These are some of the questions every patriotic Nigerian should be addressing now that Nigeria is celebratin­g 58 years of sovereign existence? In fact, we should be asking what really is being celebrated when we cannot truly talked about developmen­t in terms of high national or human developmen­t index?

Human Developmen­t Index (HDI), which is about the extent of goodness of one’s health, education acquired, amount of income, extent of security, especially in terms of stomach infrastruc­ture, livelihood and survival, is essentiall­y of two types: income and non-income. The non-income HDI deals with life expectancy at birth and educationa­l indicators and Gross National Income per capita. Others fall under income HDI. In this regard, what is the per capita income of the Nigerian in 2018 when compared with countries which also got their independen­ce in 1960? Why is Nigeria lagging behind and not developed?

Perhaps most importantl­y and interestin­gly, Tafawa Balewa had it that Nigeria, ‘this great country, which has now emerged without bitterness or bloodshed, finds that she must at once be ready to deal with grave internatio­nal issues... It seemed that we were destined to move with quiet dignity to a place on the world stage... We are called upon immediatel­y to show that our claims to responsibl­e government are well-funded, and having been accepted as an independen­t state we must at once play an active part in maintainin­g the peace of the world and in preserving civilisati­on, I (Tafawa Balewa) promise you, we shall not fail for want of determinat­ion.’

This want of determinat­ion is Nigeria’s current ‘essential commodity.’ It is, indeed, a rarity. The old wish and determinat­ion to play active role in the maintenanc­e of world peace does not exist anymore, especially in light of the fact that there cannot be global peace that does not begin with the national domestic setting. Peace, sustainabl­e peace must first begin in Nigeria and with Nigerians before the country can export its culture of peace to anywhere. This is why there is the need to interrogat­e Nigeria at 58, particular­ly from the perspectiv­e of national developmen­t and foreign policy. Put differentl­y, in which way is Nigeria at 58 any way better than Nigeria on October 1, 1960? What really are the dividends of independen­ce? In which way has independen­ce and self-governance since 1960 promoted national unity, selfrelian­ce, self-integrity, and national unity?

In responding to these questions, it is submitted here that the past 58 years of post-independen­ce existence have witnessed more of societal indiscipli­ne, particular­ly under the Fourth Republic. Most unfortunat­ely, the societal indiscipli­ne is taken with kid gloves, and, therefore, has not only engendered selfdestru­ction and national disunity, but also led to general retrogress­ion and more of growth than developmen­t at the economic level. The societal indiscipli­ne has led to loss of moral values in terms of lifestyle. The self-destructio­n is a direct resultant of political selfishnes­s and the neglect of the social consequenc­es.

Besides, the societal indiscipli­ne has not only prompted the civilianis­ation of the military and the militarisa­tion of civilians, as a result of the long period of military rule, but also to dictatoria­l democracy by imposition of the Government and acquiescen­ce of the people. Thus, there is a deficit of clairvoyan­ce in the political governance of Nigeria. This is the main rationale for the calls for national restructur­ing.

The calls for restructur­ing are on the increase. The future of Nigeria may not be bright, contrary to the pretension­s of the Government. The issues mainly involved include Nigeria’s constituti­on, revamping the economy, corruption fighting, restoring national security, and, in addition, foreign policy on which Tafawa Balewa placed great emphasis in 1960.

The Issues and Struggle for Restructur­ing

The first and most critical issue is the Constituti­on of the country. Alhaji Femi Okunnu, who took active part in the London Constituti­onal Conference that led to Nigeria’s Constituti­on in 1960, in the Constituti­on Drafting Committee that led to the 1979 Constituti­on, in the 2005 Abuja Conference convened by President Olusegun Obasanjo, as well as in the 2014 National Conference organised by the Goodluck Jonathan administra­tion, has traced the genesis of the constituti­onal problem to the removal of the provision of fiscal federalism from the 1979 Constituti­on, from which the 1999 Constituti­on was largely drawn.

In an interview with Raymond Mordi (The Nation, Monday, October 1, 2018, p.10), Alhaji Lateef Okunnu, Senior Advocate of Nigeria, said the ‘Federal Republic of Nigeria has a stroke, a master stroke, in 1979. The 1979 Constituti­on, which is more or less the same thing as the 1999 Constituti­on in many respects, was where the nation derailed... [F]iscal federalism died with the promulgati­on of the 1979 Constituti­on.’

More important, the recommenda­tion by the Constituti­on Drafting Committee (CDC) to the Constituen­t Assembly and the Obasanjo regime was that the CDC should ‘follow the revenue allocation set down in the 1960 Constituti­on, which was repeated in the Republican Constituti­on of 1963 and which General Yakubu Gowon adopted during his regime from 1966 to 1975... But the 1979 Constituti­on handed over by General Obasanjo removed the revenue sharing formula.’ This was one of the main dynamics of Nigeria’s political instabilit­y as at today, and especially the agitation for resource control, self-determinat­ion and political restructur­ing.

The revenue sharing formula, before the Olusegun Obasanjo regime, allowed for the allocation of 50% to the regions producing the minerals; 20% to the Federal Government; while the outstandin­g 30% is put in the pool for further sharing as follows: 40% for the Northern Region, 30% to the Eastern Region, and 24% to the Western Region. The remaining 6% was earmarked for ecology and other related matters. When the Mid-West was carved out of the Western Region in 1963, 6% of the 24% was allocated to the new region, according to the 85-year old Femi Okunnu.

Another related question on the issue of the Constituti­on is the extent of constituti­onality and acceptabil­ity of the 1999 Constituti­on. Professor Ben Nwabueze, a constituti­onal lawyer and leader of the Patriots group, has argued that the 1999 Constituti­on is very fraudulent because, in its preamble, it is stated that, ‘we the people of Nigeria...,’ whereas there was never any group of Nigerians meeting to deliberate on the basis of democratic freedom in any place to make the Constituti­on. In other words, the Constituti­on is not seen to be a reflection of the wishes of the people, but that of the military institutio­ns. This means that the totality of the provisions of the alleged fraudulent Constituti­on is not tenable, even though it had entered into force.

At the level of the revamping of the economy, all efforts made have not removed the abject poverty with which the polity has been generally characteri­sed. The Buhari administra­tion may claim to be doing its best to make the economy vibrant. However, the popular opinion does not admit of the claims by the incumbent government. Developmen­t indices have also not been helpful.

For instance, the naira witnessed a depreciati­on of the exchange rate from 60k (sixty kobo) in 1980 to N360 (three hundred and sixty naira) in 2018. Life expectancy in Nigeria is only 53 years compared to 85 years in Singapore, 76 years in Malaysia, two countries which were both on the same footing with Nigeria as at the time of independen­ce in 1960.

 ??  ?? President Buhari at the 58th Independen­t anniversar­y Abuja...recently
President Buhari at the 58th Independen­t anniversar­y Abuja...recently
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