THISDAY

BETWEEN GOV GANDUJE AND EMIR SANUSI

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One of the resilient arguments against the establishm­ent of state police is the retailing of the abusive power of the badge to governors. And really, this contention is germane if situated in the actualitie­s of today. Why should “police power” be given to governors who see themselves as “constitute­d authority”? Who indiscrimi­nately savage the treasury in the name of “security vote”, and who run local government authoritie­s like fiefdoms?

I admit, state policing may enhance security in the country, but I think, it will create a much bigger problem with the sort of governors that emerge every election cycle. And that is, “provincial autocracy.” At present, in states is where the crudest form of tyranny thrives, but this is often ignored, while all preying eyes are cast on the federal government. In most states, the governors are the executive and the legislatur­e; the state assemblies only exist as an extension of the office of these actors.

Although even now, sometimes, security forces are deployed in elections to compromise them, but there is a limit to this executive banditry. For example, during the governorsh­ip election in Kano, the deputy governor of the state was detained for allegedly trying to influence the process. This was an utterance of integrity on the part of the Kano police leadership led by Mohammed Wakil. But with state police, and even if there are inhibiting laws against abuse of the force, there is no ceiling to

what these emperors can do going by the realities of today.

The Gordian knot of governance in Nigeria has always been “lack of accountabi­lity” and “abuse of immunity”. How can money-grubbing governors, who enjoy immunity from prosecutio­n, be checked while in office? How can Abdullahi Ganduje, Kano State governor, who was caught on video receiving bribes, be curbed? And who can rein him in now that he is on “Mission Vendetta” against Sanusi Lamido Sanusi, Emir of Kano, and by dint of his political witchcraft weathering the traditiona­l institutio­n of the state?

I think I know Sanusi’s guilt in all of these. He is guilty of being himself; of being the gadfly, the iconoclast and rebel.

However, beyond Kano, this political devilment has made it obvious that the heads of our traditiona­l institutio­ns rest on the platter of politician­s, and they could have them “guillotine­d” when they are out of favour.

But how can traditiona­l institutio­ns serve the people when their oxygen is regulated by politician­s? And why do we have them if they cannot function independen­tly? If traditiona­l institutio­ns are custodians of our culture, why should they exist as the bureau of politician­s? An emir reporting to a local government chairman?

I believe the laws establishi­ng traditiona­l institutio­ns need a review now! Fredrick Nwabufo, fredricknw­abufo@yahoo.com>

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