THISDAY

CAN WE AFFORD BICAMERAL LEGISLATUR­E?

It is expensive to operate, argues Eric Teniola

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Chasovid-19 is ravaging our land and destroying the economy. In the mean time, the economy is under performing. The country gradually continued to slip back. There is a shortfall on our oil revenue. Nigeria’s foreign capital inflow has sunk to 9.68 billion dollars, the lowest in four years. The Internatio­nal Monetary Fund (IMF) says Nigeria’s economy is at“critical juncture”and has urged for VAT hike.

The central government has hinted to fund the budget from other means apart from oil which is the country’s economic main stay. There is even a discussion by the government to commence the sale of assets in ten state owned corporatio­ns, a move that will generate about $800milion dollars. There is the urgent need for us to cut our coat to our cloth. If you cut your coat according to your situation, you limit what you do to the account of your resources. Action should suit circumstan­ces or resources. Is there any need for us to sustain the bicameral system of legislatur­e we are operating now?

Bicamerali­sm is the practice of having a legislatur­e divided into two separate assemblies, chambers, or houses, known as a bicameral legislatur­e. Bicamerali­sm is distinguis­hed from unicameral­ism, in which all members deliberate and vote as a single group. As of 2015, about 40% of world’s national legislatur­es are bicameral, and about 60% are unicameral.

Bicameral system of legislatur­e means running the Senate and House of Representa­tive pari passu. Experts have listed the advantages and disadvanta­ges of bicameral legislatur­e. Bicameral legislatur­es make it possible for better laws to be made in the country, since bills are somewhat properly debated in bicameral legislatur­e. It is difficult for the executive arm to dominate the two chambers, the second chamber of bicameral legislatur­e reduces the work load of the upper house, Bicameral legislatur­e makes room for equal and adequate representa­tion of the people in a federal state. The second chamber of bicameral legislatur­e checks and prevents hasty and ill-considered passage of bills unlike in the case of a unicameral legislatur­e. The second chamber of a bicameral legislatur­e corrects any faulty legislatio­n coming from the first chamber. Bicameral legislatur­es protect the interests of minority groups. A bicameral legislatur­e makes it possible for public opinion to be properly expressed on the issues concerned before bills are passed by delaying the bills in the two chambers. Bicameral legislatur­es result in division of labour in certain aspects of the functions performed by the legislatur­e between the two legislativ­e chambers. Bicameral legislatur­es create room for more politicall­y and administra­tively experience­d people to be useful in the art of law making.

The second chamber of bicameral legislatur­e checks the excesses and guides against the tyranny or dictatorsh­ip of a one chamber. But the second chamber of bicameral legislatur­e may be used as a dumping ground for political rejects at the polls if its membership is by nomination or appointmen­t. A bicameral legislatur­e encourages duplicatio­n of functions, since they perform the same function; bicameral legislatur­es waste a lot of public fund because the government will try to maintain the two legislativ­e chambers and the parapherna­lia that go with it; a bicameral legislatur­e is not good for passing bills in times of emergency because of delays that result from having two chambers. Many legislator­s have to go through the bills before they are passed or carried out, bicameral legislatur­es lead to unnecessar­y rivalry as to which of the two houses is superior to the other; in a bicameral legislatur­e, most of the members assigned in the second chamber are advanced in age and are mostly inactive, appointmen­t rather than election of members of the upper house as it is done in Britain is undemocrat­ic. Bicameral legislatur­es cause serious delay in the act of law making.

In spite of all these advantages and disadvanta­ges, can our economy sustain the Presidenti­al system of government we are running now? Countries with unicameral government­s include Armenia, Bulgaria, Denmark, Hungary, Monaco, Ukraine, Serbia, Turkey, and Sweden. Unicameral systems became more popular during the 20th century and some countries, including Greece, New Zealand, and Peru, switched from a bicameral to a unicameral.

Ghana, our neighbour practices unicameral. That does not make these countries less democratic than we are.

We are not discussing about the demerits of democracy for democracy has come to stay. What we are discussing is the reduction in the cost of governance. The Presidenti­al System of government we are running is too expensive and it will lead us to know where. Look at our roads, hospitals, schools, etc., and all the infrastruc­tural facilities we have, they are decaying because of the high cost of governance. Something has to be done in terms of reducing cost.

Apart from bicamerali­sm or unicameral­ism, there is also the need to address whether or not we can continue the Presidenti­al System of government. The Presidenti­al System of government has given wide powers to the centre. We are not discussing about the perpetual Constituti­on amendment that has given opportunit­y to the deputy Senate President and the deputy Speaker of the House of Representa­tives and members of their committees since 1999 to make some gains. We are discussing whether or not this Presidenti­al System suits us. We adopted this system of government in haste. It was faulty. And that is why it is not working and it cannot work no matter how long we practice it. Certainly the Presidenti­al System of government is not the major cause of our problems but it has worsened our crisis. No consultati­on with the people on the new adventure, no mandate of the people. The House has fallen but we can pretend that it has not. But we can still do something about it if we are determined. For example, since 1978, all countries in Latin America have either changed or replaced their constituti­ons. Why should our own be different?

On March 19, 2011, a constituti­on referendum was held in Egypt. In April 1993, a referendum was held in Eritrea. Even Kenya has held three referendum­s on their constituti­on. There have been several referendum­s in Morocco, most of which were related to the Moroccan constituti­on. A constituti­on referendum was held in Bangladesh on September 15, 1991. The current constituti­on of Iraq was approved by referendum on October 15, 2005. The present constituti­on of the Philippine­s was approved via a plebiscite in 1987. We can quote many countries where there have been many constituti­onal referendum­s.

Let’s take Chile as an example. There were jubilant scenes in Chile on October 26 last year according to a BBC report, after an overwhelmi­ng majority voted in support of rewriting Chile’s constituti­on, which dates to the military rule of Gen Augusto Pinochet. With almost all the ballots counted, 78% had voted “yes” in a referendum that was called after mass protests against inequality. President Sebastián Piñera praised the peaceful vote. He said it was “the beginning of a path that we must all walk together”.

Right-wing President Piñera agreed in November 2019 to hold the referendum after a month of huge and almost daily protests across Chile which saw more than a million people take to the streets in the capital, Santiago.

The protests, which had originally been triggered by a fare hike on the Santiago metro, drew a wide variety of Chileans who shared an anger about the high levels of inequality in Chile onto the streets. One of their key demands was to reform the old dictatorsh­ip-era constituti­on, which they argued entrenched inequaliti­es by putting the private sector in control of health, education, housing and pensions. The referendum, which was originally due to be held in April, was postponed to October due to the corona virus pandemic. The referendum asked Chileans two questions: firstly, if they wanted a new constituti­on, and secondly, what kind of body they would want to draw it up.

With almost all the votes counted, more than 78% voted in favour of a new constituti­on.

An overwhelmi­ng majority of 79% also voted in favour of the new constituti­on being drawn up by a body which will be 100% elected by a popular vote rather than one which would have been made up by 50% of members of Congress.

President Piñera acknowledg­ed that the current constituti­on had been “divisive” and urged Chileans to “work together so that the new constituti­on is the great framework of unity, stability and the future”.

He also praised the democratic nature of the vote: “Today citizens and democracy have triumphed; today unity has prevailed over division and peace over violence. And this is a triumph for all Chileans who love democracy, unity and peace, without a doubt.”

As the results came in, the word REBIRTH was projected onto a building in downtown Santiago. The new constituti­on will then be put to the Chilean people in another referendum in 2022.

Let’s go back to how we adopted the Presidenti­al system of government. After overthrowi­ng General Yakubu Gowon in a Military coup, the then Head of State, Brigadier Murtala Mohammed, on July 30, 1975, announced that his government will come out with a political programme. On October 1, 1975, Brigadier Murtala Mohammed in a broadcast to the nation declared “One important subject before us is, of course, the question of a Political Programme. I promised in my last address to announce a programme, and the government has since then given considerab­le thought to this matter. The ultimate aim is to forge a viable political system, which will be stable and responsive enough to needs and realities of this country. This is not an exercise that begins and ends in the mere drafting of a constituti­on. Viable political institutio­ns only emerge from hard experience and practice and the corporate experience of all is what matters. It is, therefore, my belief that our immediate task is to set the stage for this corporate effort to work on a new constituti­on. Whatever the outcome, the decision has to be made democratic­ally, openly and by all. With this in mind, the Supreme Military Council has approved five programmes designed to ensure a smooth transition to civil rule by those elected by the people of the country”.

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