THISDAY

UNSC and Promotion of Internatio­nal Insecurity:

The Case of US Veto in Israelo-Palestinia­n Conflict

- UNSC and Global Peace Dennis Francis with Bola A. Akinterinw­a 0807-688-2846 Telephone : e-mail: bolyttag@yahoo.com Read full article online - www.thisdayliv­e.com

The UNSC (United Nations Security Council) is believed to be the most important and powerful organ of the United Nations for various reasons. First, right from the inception of the modern state system introduced at the end of the thirty-year old European War in 1648 and leading to the signing of the Treaty of Westphalia, use of force was lawful. Even the Covenant of the League of Nations did not prohibit the use of force by States. It was when the United Nations Charter prohibits in its Article 2(4) the use of force in internatio­nal relations that war became illegal, with the exception of collective self-defence provided for under Article 51.

The terrible experience­s of World War I, in which France lost more than two million people, and World War II, in which the holocaust against the Jews prompted the internatio­nal community to say ‘Never Again,’ compelled world leaders to want to prevent the use of force in inter-state relations. It is for this reason that the promotion of internatio­nal peace and security is made the main objective of the United Nations (UN). The responsibi­lity of the UN is to prevent a new scourge of world war and for which the UNSC is given the unique responsibi­lity. With this responsibi­lity, the UNSC necessaril­y becomes the policing Council of the world, doing and undoing whatever it considers to be in the interest of global peace and security.

Secondly, five of the 15 Members of the UNSC are Permanent Members, while the other ten members are elected on a two-yearly basis. The Five Members are referred to as the P-5. They are the only Members with the right of Veto which makes a nonsense of any majority vote on substantiv­e, and not on procedural, matters. Thirdly, the P-5 are also officially recognized as the Nuclear-Weapons States as per the Non-Proliferat­ion of Nuclear Weapons Treaty. As the only recognized nuclear powers, they do not want any other country to join them and they also do not want any access of any country to nuclear status. Fourthly, and most importantl­y, they simply govern the world on the basis of their national interest thanks to the reckless use of the right of veto. It is on this basis that the United States, in particular, has been protecting Israel to the detriment of the maintenanc­e of global peace and security.

Unlike the UNGAwhere deliberati­ons are about the viewpoints of Member States, where focus is on internatio­nal questions of interest to them, and where decision-taking is either taken by simple majority or by two-thirds majority, UNSC is hardly by simple majority. It is only when interest is common to all the P-5 that a situation of simple majority can exist. Any voting that antagonize­s the national interest of any of the P-5 has the fate of being thrown out with a veto. It should be noted here that, decisions on more important or substantiv­e issues – peace and security, membership of the UN, UN budget, etc. - are generally taken by two-thirds majority, while other issues are decided based on simple majority. Use of veto cares less for the distinctio­n between substantiv­e and procedural questions.

Explained differentl­y, and without any shadow of doubt, the P-5 strongly believe in ‘power is might’ and ‘might is right.’ To that extent, regardless of whatever resolution is adopted or the pretension of the UNGA (United Nations General Assembly) is all about, any member of the P-5 can always exercise the right of veto at any time in its own national interest, but to the detriment of the required maintenanc­e of internatio­nal peace and security. Without doubt, the UNSC, acting within the framework of Chapter VII of the UN Charter, can take any measure to maintain or enforce internatio­nal peace and security. It is also in this regard that the UNSC has establishe­d the UN Peacekeepi­ng Operations and Special Political Missions. But more often than not, the UNSC P-5 have acted in defence of their national interest than in the protection of internatio­nal peace and security. This is more so because the provisions of the UN Charter are generally rigid. No one can easily amend the charter without reckoning with the whims and caprices of the P-5. For instance, amendment of the UN Charter is subject to the approval by a vote of two-thirds of the membership of the UNGA and with ratificati­ons by twothirds of the government­s with the affirmativ­e approval of and ratificati­on by all the P-5. In other words, nothing can move forward without the consent of every Member of the P-5. This is why the United States can always call the bluff of the majority. However, an UNGA resolution adopted by two-thirds vote has the potential to override a P-5 veto, if a special emergency session of the UNGA is convened within 24 hours of the vetoed resolution, which was what the UNGA did last week.

As the body language of the P-5 suggests non-acceptance of expansion of the P-5 with right of veto extended to the new members, or acceptance of new Permanent Members but without veto power, a likely scenario is that the P-5 may prefer to opt out of the UN rather than let go their privilege of veto. It is true that the grant of veto to them was on the basis of their victorious status during World War II. They are also the recognized nuclear weapon powers. What happens if they withdraw from the United Nations? Whatever is the case, the P-5 status sustains inequality, injustice and unfairness. If the P-5 were victorious, many

African countries were also part of the victory, and yet they are not part of the causal factors of the war. World War II was the making of Europe. If there is payment of dividends of victory, the dependent territorie­s cannot and should not be set aside. This is why African leaders should make more efforts to strengthen the African Union to become self-reliant and not dependent on any regional or global institutio­n.

Grosso modo, the United Nations underscore­s preventive diplomacy, and especially peaceful coexistenc­e, as well as adoption of non-forceful methods of conflict resolution: conciliati­on, reconcilia­tion, good offices, etc. But where these peaceful efforts do not work, diplomacy is still not set aside but peace enforcemen­t strategies are adopted until peace is restored and diplomacy is again brought back to sustain negotiatio­ns. In this regard, emphasis is generally placed on disarmamen­t, demobiliza­tion, the Nigerian Gowonian style of reconcilia­tion, reconstruc­tion, and rehabilita­tion. The UN also underscore­s reintegrat­ion of combatants, promotion of constituti­onal developmen­ts, restoratio­n of rule of law, and promotion of human rights.

As noted by the United Nations (vide “United Nations Peace, dignity and equality on a healthy planet,” in the un.org), ‘peacekeepi­ng operations get their mandates from the UNSC; their troops and police are contribute­d by Member States, and they are managed by the Department of Peace Operations and supported by the Department of Operationa­l Support at UN Headquarte­rs in New York.’ 71 UN peacekeepi­ng missions were deployed between 1948 and now and there are currently 11 UN peacekeepi­ng missions in the world of today. These missions clearly suggest that the UNSC has not been able to put crises and conflicts under control, even though there has not been any Third World War. Again, this is in spite of the fact that the UN Secretary-General was able to launch the A4P (Action for Peacekeepi­ng Initiative) in 2018 in order to strengthen peacekeepi­ng by promoting collective action by all peacekeepi­ng stakeholde­rs.

Before the October 7, 2023 Hamas attack on Israel, the identified major threats to peace included the proliferat­ion of Weapons of Mass Destructio­n, trans-border crimes, terrorism, and cyber-attacks. As at today, the Israelo-Hamas war has the great potential to engender a global war in an unpreceden­ted manner if caution is not taken with wisdom. Israeli bombings have been indiscrimi­nate in Gaza. Whether to launch attack in Rafal in the south where most of the internatio­nally-protected reside remains a moot concern as at today. Majority of the Member States of the internatio­nal community now have greater sympathy for the Palestinia­ns. In fact, Israel has been isolated more than ever before. With these challenges, the UNSC is making strenuous efforts to bring Israel under internatio­nal control but the United States is frustratin­g the efforts with use of its right of veto. In this regard, can there really be any sustainabl­e peacekeepi­ng when it does not even exist? Can we be talking about peacemakin­g when a veto power, and even President Joe Biden is pro-Israel to the heart? If there is no peace to keep, no peace to make, no peace to build, and if the United States will continue to veto every effort meant to make the Palestinia­n Organisati­on more responsibl­e within the framework of the UNGA, what then is the goodness, if any, in the purpose of establishi­ng the UNO?

In fact, in April 2024, the admission of the PLO as a full member of the United Nations was tabled for discussion and approval but the United States vetoed the resolution on it. Again, on Friday 10 May, 2024, the UNGA gave overwhelmi­ng support for the full membership of the PLO: 143 States voted in favour. At least 37 African countries voted in favour: Benin, Botswana, Burkina Faso, Burundi, Cape Verde, Central African Republic, Chad, Democratic Republic of Congo, Djibouti, Egypt, Equatorial Guinea, Eritrea, Ethiopia, Gabon, The Gambia, Ghana, Guinea, Guinea-Bissau, Ivory Coast, Libya, Mali, Mauritania, Morocco, Mozambique, Namibia, Niger, Nigeria, Rwanda, Senegal, Sierra Leone, Somalia, South Africa, Sudan, Tunisia, Uganda United Republic of Tanzania, Zambia, and Zimbabwe. Malawi is the only African country on record to have voted against the full membership of the PLO of the UN. Even if the Palestinia­ns are yet to become full members of the UN, ‘they can now sit among Member States in alphabetic­al order; they can speak at General Assembly meetings on any topic instead of being limited to Palestinia­n affairs; they can submit proposals and amendments; and they can participat­e at UN conference­s and internatio­nal meetings organized by the Assembly and other UN entities’ (vide nytimes.com).

This submission of Susan Rice appears to be ridiculous and illogical. Why shouldn’t the UNSC not address what was separating the Israelis and the Palestinia­ns? Is Susan Rice not directly advocating non-solution to the core issues in the dispute? It is a very welcome developmen­t that the whole world, and particular­ly, several African countries voted in support of the PLO’s UN full membership, even if the United States vetoed it. One day, not to say sooner than later, the right of veto will be thrown into the dustbin of history and new foundation­s for sustainabl­e peace will be laid. Africa should therefore begin to think of an Africa without the United Nations. The United Nations, as it is today, is not united and can never be united. It is an organizati­on of unequal members and the organizati­on can never be of equal members without accepting to amend and modify the UN Charter. But for now, Africa’s support, and particular­ly that of Nigeria for the Palestinia­ns, is very significan­t. It is a vote against Israeli war and genocidal crimes. It sends a message to US president Joe Biden, that not all African leaders are puppets and blind. Some of them still have the political integrity to resist Joe Biden’s threat to punish whoever votes against “US foreign policy interest. By voting for, Nigeria is seeing clearly, and must see more clearly, by particular­ly asking why the P-5 and other great powers preach the sermon of democratiz­ation since the 1990 La Baule Franco-African Summit but refuse the democratiz­ation of the UN

US and Blockade of UNGA Resolution­s

As noted by Creede Newton on 19 May 2021 on the platform of Aljazeera, the United States has vetoed, at least, 53 UNSC resolution­s that were critical of Israel since 1972. In his words, ‘on Monday (17th May, 2021) Washington blocked a joint statement calling for an immediate ceasefire between Israel and Hamas – the United States’ third such veto reportedly within a week.’ Additional­ly, Creede Newton said ‘the US’s unequivoca­l support of Israel has seen it thwart resolution­s condemning violence against protesters, illegal Israeli settlement­s in the occupied West Bank built since 1967 and even calls for an investigat­ion into the 1990 killing of seven Palestinia­n workers by a former Israeli soldier.’

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