National Herald Tribune

New ROK leader brings both changes and chances

- CHINA DAILY

HAVING WON the presidenti­al election by a razor thin margin of 0.73 percentage points in March, Yoon Suk-yeol of the conservati­ve People Power Party will be sworn in as the new president of the Republic of Korea on Tuesday.

But despite winning the presidenti­al election on an anti-corruption and proUS plank, Yoon, a former chief prosecutor and a political novice, has invited former president Park Geunhye, who was jailed for corruption due to Yoon-led investigat­ions, to his inaugurati­on.

Also, Yoon could also change the policies of outgoing ROK President Moon Jae-in who strived to strike a balance between relations with the United States and other countries, because Yoon's priority seems to be closer alignment with the US and a tougher stance against the Democratic People's Republic of Korea. In fact, within hours of his election, Yoon called US President Joe Biden and sent a delegation to the US about one month later.

With the Russia-Ukraine conflict lingering on and no signs of the China-US frictions being resolved, the ROK's diplomacy under Yoon will focus on strengthen­ing the Washington-Seoul alliance and helping the US to design the Asia-Pacific order.

Given the changing situation, four aspects of US-ROK relations need to be highlighte­d. First is the ROK-US coordinati­on on the Korean Peninsula denucleari­zing issue, insisting that the DPRK completely abandon its nuclear weapons program for the US to lift the sanctions, and Seoul's efforts to increase its say on the issue. For example, Yoon has proposed a ROK-DPRK-US liaison center in either Washington or Panmunjom in the demilitari­zed zone, in order to resolve the issue.

Second, Yoon may try to improve the

ROK's ties with Japan and reshape ROKUS-Japan relations, in a bid to appropriat­ely respond to what he has emphasized as "Pyongyang's nuclear threat". No wonder he sent delegation­s to both the US and Japan in April. The improvemen­t of the US-ROK-Japan economic and security alliance could also lead to a new 2+2+2 dialogue mechanism.

Third, that Yoon will strengthen security ties with Washington was evident from his remark that he may consider joining the US-led Quad, a quadrilate­ral security dialogue among the US, India, Japan and Australia, and put joint USROK military drills and US military deployment in the ROK back to the table. But it will not be easy for him to reverse the "three nos" the Moon administra­tion agreed with China-no additional deployment of Terminal High Altitude Area Defense in the ROK, no ROK participat­ion in the US-led strategic missile defense system, and no trilateral military alliance with the US and Japan.

And fourth, the US and the ROK may expand cooperatio­n in high-tech developmen­t, including in the semiconduc­tor and nuclear power sectors. This year marks the 10th anniversar­y of the establishm­ent of the US-ROK free trade area, and if Seoul integrates its policies with Washington's Indo-Pacific economic cooperatio­n mechanism, it could lead to deeper US-ROK cooperatio­n on stabilizin­g the supply chains, and boosting the digital economy, clean energy and infrastruc­ture.

However, as for climate change and the growing demand for resources and energy, Yoon plans to establish a global cooperatio­n network based on the ROK's advantages in digital technology, which could lead to the constructi­on of digital infrastruc­ture, promoting cooperatio­n among ASEAN member states, India,

Central Asian and Eastern European countries, and other regions.

The policy Yoon adopts toward China remains to be seen. Moon deftly balanced the ROK's relations between China and the US, but Yoon shouldn't tip the balance in the US' favor.

The Yoon government may be pragmatic enough not to neglect China-ROK relations, especially because the potential for Sino-ROK cooperatio­n in the trade, public health, climate change and cultural fields is huge.

The ROK could neverthele­ss accelerate efforts to diversify its imports, by increasing imports from other Regional Comprehens­ive Economic Partner countries and reducing imports from China, in order to decouple its high-end manufactur­ing from China's, though Yoon has said that the Sino-US frictions could be both a challenge and an opportunit­y for the ROK and that he would like to promote trade between the two sides through high-level strategic dialogue.

On the campaign trail, Yoon endorsed calls for preemptive strikes against the DPRK, insisting that sanctions can be eased only after the complete, verifiable and irreversib­le denucleari­zation of the DPRK. Although his basic principle of "dialogue-deterrence" may not change, Yoon may try to take the peninsula denucleari­zation issue forward and raise the level of inter-Korean meetings.

But since inter-Korean ties are largely influenced by the US-DPRK relationsh­ip and the US has not eased sanctions against the DPRK, it will be difficult for the ROK to take any initiative to improve Pyongyang-Seoul relations.

And the fact that Biden is scheduled to visit the ROK and Japan on May 20-24 on his first trip to the two countries since taking office in January last year and hold talks with the ROK and Japanese leaders, uncertaint­ies could emerge in the region.

On the other hand, President Xi

Jinping's special representa­tive, VicePresid­ent Wang Qishan, will lead a delegation to the ROK to attend the inaugurati­on of Yoon in Seoul at the invitation of the ROK government. This year marks the 30th anniversar­y of the establishm­ent of China-ROK diplomatic relations, and both sides should make efforts to maintain the good momentum of bilateral ties.

The internatio­nal situation is undergoing massive changes, and rational views can create more, new opportunit­ies for the two neighbors, especially since China is the ROK's largest trade partner, and the ROK is China's third-largest trade partner country.

With the global economy struggling to recover from the impacts of the COVID19 pandemic, the ROK and China need to strengthen communicat­ion, deepen cooperatio­n, make good use of the trade mechanisms such as the RCEP, and promote more people-to-people exchanges. Strengthen­ing cooperatio­n in areas of mutual interests including clean energy, digital technology and digital infrastruc­ture can contribute to the prosperity of not only the two countries but also of Asia as a whole.

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