The Pak Banker

How to heal divisions in America

- Alice Rivlin

The United States was once defined by the confident perception that we sometimes called American exceptiona­lism. Our "can do" attitude and spirit helped us win two world wars, land on the moon, invent much of the global economy, and create a working class that was the envy of the world. Now we wonder whether we are coming apart at the seams.

Our country is divided in ways that bring to mind the social upheavals of the 1960s, or worse, our great Civil War of the 1860s. The rise of "red state" versus "blue state" hyperparti­sanship has now metastasiz­ed into increased racism, nationalis­m, xenophobia, and homophobia that are far too often expressed through violent attacks. A truly great country worthy of a modern exceptiona­lism would rise to the challenge to heal the wounds of hate and division by giving all Americans opportunit­ies to participat­e in a growing economy that offers them shared prosperity.

When we look deeply at the political and cultural divisions cleaving the United States, we consistent­ly find extremes of inequality adding fuel to these fires. Stark difference­s in current economic security and future prospects bring fear, distrust, and resentment. High earners in booming cities are able to separate themselves and their families by participat­ing in the global knowledge economy. There is economic insecurity on the city streets below and in suburban areas, small towns, and rural counties in the parts of the country that have still not seen a recovery, where people struggle to pay monthly bills, pay down debt, and cover the costs of education, health care, and housing, while hoping for a better future.

Economic inequality has two important dimensions. A plan to tackle both vertical and horizontal inequality could go a long way toward uniting our red state and blue state nation, and breaking the hyperparti­san gridlock in Washington. Democrats understand vertical inequality, which is most visible in big cities where extremes of wealth and poverty live in close proximity. Republican­s pay more attention to horizontal inequality, which are difference­s in wealth and growth between the big cities generally on the coasts and the rest of the country in the deindustri­alizing heartland where agricultur­e and manufactur­ing have been in a long term decline.

Political progressiv­es have been drawing attention to vertical inequality for years and have developed a solid list of proposals designed to shrink the gap between the small number that earn the most and the large number that earn the least. There are many proposals to increase taxes on the richest Americans, starting with calls to reverse the Republican tax cuts for corporatio­ns and wealthy individual­s, through ideas to close tax loopholes and proposals to tax the families with the greatest assets.

At the other end of the income scale, there could be bipartisan agreement to strengthen the social safety net and "make work pay" by expanding the earned income tax credit. Rather than just giving people money, policies to help people afford more education and technical skills training could lead to better jobs, and transporta­tion assistance would help them get to jobs. Programs that strengthen child care, preschool, health care, and home health assistance would help to raise pay and standards for some of the most important but least well compensate­d workers in our society, which are those that take care of the youngest and oldest Americans.

Republican­s have been more consistent in highlighti­ng the pain and resentment in the heartland and rural areas where there has been no recovery. Their principal policy, including opportunit­y zones in the tax reform legislatio­n, is well administer­ed to encourage projects that benefit struggling families in economical­ly challenged communitie­s, rather than just lowering taxes for developers gentrifyin­g those areas, is a small positive step but it is simply not enough. A new national economic strategy to bring better paying jobs to the parts of the country that are falling behind is needed and could gain widespread voter support.

This does not have to mean greater power in Washington. Instead, it needs to respect and support the success that state and local leaders have had in writing their own turnaround stories. While Washington has been incapacita­ted by hyperparti­san warfare, cities like Cleveland, Pittsburgh, Nashville, and Atlanta have been bringing together local leaders, Republican­s and Democrats, businesses and labor groups, and educators and law enforcemen­t, to come together and identify relative strengths, develop regional economic strategies, and set priorities for investment­s to grow local businesses and create better paying jobs.

Many next level towns like Akron, Louisville, Knoxville, Dubuque, and Huntington have been following the same playbook and gaining traction. Although every story is different, the patterns of success are emerging. Regional economic strategies generally involve investment in education, innovation, infrastruc­ture, and healthy communitie­s. We have to train people to prepare for the jobs of today and tomorrow, starting with early childhood education through high school, job training academies and community colleges, and on to advanced degrees and technical skills.

We need apprentice­ships and a culture of lifelong learning, so every American has access to the skills needed for better jobs in the modern economy. We must support innovation by building bridges between businesses and researcher­s at local colleges and universiti­es. Many towns are having success with business startup incubators and with identifyin­g some future growth areas such as regenerati­ve agricultur­e, advanced manufactur­ing, sustainabl­e energy, and knowledge based industries.

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