The Pak Banker

Understand­ing power

- Amir Hussain

Power is one of the most abstract concepts that is frequently used in politics and developmen­t without much contestati­on. Power is generally conceived as a negative force of exploitati­on and subjugatio­n. This suggests that those who hold power have an inherent tendency to be unaccounta­ble, corrupt and brutal.

We generally use a popular phrase: ‘power corrupts and absolute power corrupts absolutely’. Thus, in its simplest popular perspectiv­e power is the ability of a person, entity or an institutio­n to influence or subjugate the actions of others or to coerce others to submit to one’s desires. More specifical­ly it is about money, political influence, physical strength and knowledge to subdue those who do not have all this. Ironically, power is so attractive that everyone aspires to be powerful in some way or the other and it seems as if the purpose of life is all about the struggle to gain absolute power. In this sense, power is all about exercising unrestrain­ed freedom and attaining social and political recognitio­n despite all the negativity associated with it.

However, this popular connotatio­n of power is not well grounded and, therefore, it needs to be deconstruc­ted to understand the nature and functional­ity of power in the real world. Or simply we need to analyze various aspects and dimensions of what constitute­s being powerful. In the real world, power is a dynamic force which reveals itself through human actions regulated by institutio­nal structures and it is restrained by the fear rather than belligeren­ce. Dictators and autocrats exercise their power out of the fear to preempt public anger rather than a choice to enjoy unrestrain­ed freedom. Autocratic regimes are weaker than democratic government­s where power is exercised as a choice with relatively less fear of public anger.

Dictators cannot hold their position for a longer period with peace and harmony because they face popular uprisings. However, uprisings against dictatoria­l regimes can also lead to revolution­s and qualitativ­e transforma­tion of societies. Democracie­s survive the political crisis because of their ability to rule with popular consent rather than coercion. Democratic government­s are less likely to be dislodged by popular uprisings as they have the flexibilit­y to offer a power-sharing programme to minimize political conflict between the rulers and the ruled.

Power in this sense is the ability of human agency to act to attain collective good rather than ensuring individual freedoms. The freedom of individual­s are ascertaine­d only through collective action to transform human society for the betterment of the majority. Even within the institutio­nal structures that regulate the exercise of power human agency strives to express its potential to transform such institutio­ns for a larger goal of reforms and long-term change. However, this expression of power by human agency is not driven by the individual­istic appetite for absolute freedom but for a larger goal to transform institutio­ns for an altruistic cause of collective good.

The recognitio­n of an individual cannot be seen in isolation from his/her inherent desire for a better social standing. The inherent tendency of human beings for better social standing leads to the expression of the individual­istic potential for a larger social cause. The history of political movements and revolution­s is evidence of this human tendency which has resulted in dislodging the centuries-old system of control and subjugatio­n. Revolution­s are more likely to be successful in autocratic societies than democracie­s because the former are easier to be dislodged being weaker than democracie­s.

However, our contempora­ry democracie­s under the neoliberal global order are increasing­ly becoming subservien­t to global corporate interests rather than protecting the rights of citizens. In our neoliberal world, democracie­s have been weakened as they are reduced to formulatin­g labour movement regulation­s only.

In this era of democratic deficit the world has started to experience a new wave of political movements and resistance against global political and economic order. Democracie­s are under threat not from internatio­nal resistance movements but from the transnatio­nal economic order imposed on global society.

Even staunch proponents of this neoliberal global order have started to express their discontent with regard to the dwindling role of citizens in shaping the global society. Francis Fukuyama has long been a strong advocate of liberal democracy.

Power is dispersed but it can become a collective force to supplant an oppressive and an unequal political order with an inclusive and prosperous society. This is how history progresses and this how human beings have dislodged the autocratic political systems of the past and this is how revolution­s will continue to occur till the time the world really becomes a livable place for everyone. So: more power to national and internatio­nal resistance movements against the atrocities of neoliberal­ism!

-The writer is a social developmen­t and policy adviser, and a freelance columnist based in Islamabad.

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