The Pak Banker

Exchange, interest rates in outgoing year

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During the first half of 2019, the country witnessed the continuati­on of the exchange rate policy introduced by the caretaker government. The caretaker cabinet questioned the PML-N government's decision to keep the rupee artificial­ly stable under its tenure. They decided to let the market forces determine the exchange rate.

That is why we saw the rupee depreciati­ng between January and June in line with the trend that persisted throughout 2018. The rupee lost 25.8 per cent value to the dollar in 2018. In January-June 2019, it lost another 15.2pc. A total downward adjustment of 43pc in the rupee's value did an overdue correction in the exchange rate.

Since July this year, the exchange rate has become truly market-driven. The rupee has gained some of its lost value. Foreign exchange reserves of the State Bank of Pakistan (SBP) that were once depleting fast owing to the central bank's interventi­on in foreign exchange markets have started growing again. On Dec 20, the SBP's reserves rose to about $10.91 billion, up from $7.28bn at the end of June when it finally stopped supporting an exchange rate-band in the interbank market.

Since July, Pakistan is under a $6bn balance-of-payments bailout programme of the IMF and is supposed to let the exchange rate remain market-driven. However, the SBP may intervene in the foreign exchange market to check "extreme volatility" in the exchange rate. To sustain the rupee's gains in 2020, Pakistan needs larger volumes of nondebt-creating foreign exchange inflows from exports, remittance­s and foreign investment. It also needs to check outflows as much as possible.

Chief contributo­rs to high interest rates are the rupee devaluatio­n, growing energy prices and scant control over the prices of essential commoditie­s One way to do this is to sustain the reduction in the import bill. The other is to avoid extra build-up in external debts. But the latter is too difficult because in the past two years total external debt and liabilitie­s have increased. We have become more indebted to service old debts.

On the interest-rate front, we witnessed the continuati­on of the tight monetary policy of 2018 throughout 2019. It became rather tighter in 2019. That was necessary to contain the inflationa­ry spill-over of the 43pc rupee devaluatio­n between January 2018 and June 2019. The tightening of interest rates was also seen necessary to check a general rising trend in headline inflation.

However, in July-December 2019, inflationa­ry pressures did not subside even amidst the exchange rate stability and tight monetary policy. Independen­t economists began arguing that one of the reasons why inflation was stubbornly high was that it was not entirely demanddriv­en in the first place. From their viewpoint, inflation was partly cost-push and continuing with a tight monetary policy was no more desirable. A huge 6.5pc decline in the output of large-scale manufactur­ing in July-October 2019 and the halving of the consumer finance intake between July and November lent some credence to their line of argument.

Higher interest rates must have been contributi­ng to rising inflation, but greater contributo­rs are rising domestic energy prices, lagged impact of the rupee devaluatio­n and scant controls over price administra­tion of essential commoditie­s.

Phased withdrawal­s of subsidies on energy and agricultur­al inputs plus higher interest rates on agricultur­al finance continue to affect agricultur­e negatively. As agricultur­e and industry remain constraine­d, the services sector alone cannot keep the overall economy in shape. So reining in galloping inflation, containing energy price hikes and managing interest rates at affordable levels are all necessary.

But that calls for walking on a tight rope and making guarded policy tradeoffs. Energy prices are up because of not only subsidy withdrawal­s but also the voluminous circular debt. If the government transfers that debt on to its own fiscal books, it will lead to a further increase in the fiscal deficit. A higher fiscal deficit necessitat­es further borrowing from banks and, if interest rates are eased liberally, the government cannot be discourage­d from such borrowing.

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