The Pak Banker

What is fascism?

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Since before Donald Trump took office as president of the United States, historians have debated whether he is a fascist. As a teacher of World War II history who has written about fascism, I've found that historians have a consensus definition of the term, broadly speaking.

Given the term's current - and sometimes erroneous - use, I think it's important to distinguis­h what fascism is and is not.

Fascism, now a century old, got its start with Benito Mussolini and his Italian allies. They named their movement after an ancient Roman emblem, the fasces, an ax whose handle has been tightly reinforced with many rods, symbolizin­g the power of unity around one leader.

Fascism means more than dictatorsh­ip, however.

It's distinct from simple authoritar­ianism - an anti-democratic government by a strongman or small elite - and "Stalinism" - authoritar­ianism with a dominant bureaucrac­y and economic control, named after the former Soviet leader. The same goes for "anarchism," the belief in a society organized without an overarchin­g state.

Above all, fascists view nearly everything through the lens of race. They're committed not just to race supremacy, but maintainin­g what they called "racial hygiene," meaning the purity of their race and the separation of what they view as lower ones.

That means they must define who is a member of their nation's legitimate race. They must invent a "true" race.

Many are familiar with Adolf Hitler and the Nazi regime's socalled Aryan race, which had no biological or historical reality. The Nazis had to forge a mythic past and legendary people. Including some in the "true race" means excluding others.

For fascists, capitalism is good. It appeals to their admiration of "the survival of the fittest," a phrase coined by social Darwinist Herbert Spencer, so long as companies serve the needs of the fascist leadership and the "Volk," or people.

In exchange for protecting pri- vate property, fascists demand that capitalist­s act as cronies.

If, for example, a company is successful­ly producing weapons for foreign or domestic wars good. But if a company is enriching non-loyal people, or making money for the imagined sub-race, the fascists will step in and hand it to someone deemed loyal.

If the economy is poor, the fascist

will divert attention from shortages to plans for patriotic glory or for vengeance against internal or external enemies.

Important to most fascists is the idea that the nation's "patriots" have been let down, that "good people" are humiliated while "bad people" do better.

These grievances cannot be answered, fascists say, if things remain under the status quo. There needs to be revolution­ary change allowing the "real people" to break free from the restraints of democracy or existing law and get even.

Since for them the law should be subservien­t to the needs of the people and the need to crush socialism or liberalism, fascists encourage party militias. These enforce the fascist will, break unions, distort elections and intimidate or co-opt the police.

The historical fascists of Germany and Mussolini's Italy extended the might-makes-right principle to expansion abroad, though the British fascists of the 1930s, led by Oswald Mosley and his British Union of Fascists, preferred isolationi­sm and preached a sort of internal war against an imagined Jewish enemy of the state.

First and foremost, fascists want to revolt against socialism. That's because it threatens the crony capitalism that fascists embrace.

Not only does socialism aim for equal prosperity no matter the race, but many socialists tend to envisage the eventual extinction of separate nations, which offends the strong fascist belief in nation-states.

Along with getting rid of aristocrat­s or other elites, fascists are prepared to displace the Church or seek a mutually beneficial truce with it.

Mussolini, Hitler and the Falangists in Spain learned that they had to live with, not replace, the Church in their countries - as long as their regimes weren't broadly attacked from the pulpit.

Fascists also reject democracy, at least any democracy that could potentiall­y result in socialism or too much liberalism. In a democracy, voters can choose social-welfare policies. They can level the playing field between classes and ethnicitie­s, or seek gender equality.

Fascists oppose all of these efforts.

Fascism is the logical extreme of nationalis­m, the roughly 250year-old idea that nation-states should be built around races or historical peoples.

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